2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Hannig

Abstract This article addresses a key problem at the intersection of medicine and religion: how do people fashion themselves into moral subjects in the midst of acute bodily suffering? In particular, how can we situate the wounded, porous body of obstetric fistula in relation to Ethiopian Orthodox Christian ideals of purity and containment? Through an analysis of regimens of embodied piety among Orthodox Christians in the Amhara region of Ethiopia, this article seeks to delineate the multiplicity of ways in which fistula sufferers are able to exercise their religiosity in the face of their physical affliction, and how they use the very symbols that would seem to alienate them to achieve a powerfully enlightened subject position. This study thus complicates static notions of the sacred to reveal the recursive nature of holiness, and shows that recognition of the body’s imperfection is built into the very system of Orthodox belief and practice.


Aethiopica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 50-63
Author(s):  
Richard Pankhurst

 Significant contacts between the Ethiopian State and the Bétä Esraʾél began in the late sixteenth century with the move of the imperial capital to the Lake Ṭana area, which was relatively near to Fälaša settlements in or around the Sämén mountains.At about this time Ḥarägo, an apparently high-born Fälaša woman, supposedly the sister of Gedéwon, the Bétä Esraʾél ruler of Sämén, and reportedly a recent convert to Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, became the consort, or as the Jesuits preferred to say a “concubine” of the redoubtable Emperor Särṣä Dengel. She bore him four sons. One, Zä-Maryam, was chosen as heir to the throne, but died before he could succeed. The second, Yaʿqob, actually ascended the imperial throne, but was too young to make any significant achievement. Two others, Keflä Maryam, and Mätäko, threw in their lot with their kinsman Gedéwon, and thus played a notable role in imperial and/or Fälaša local politics.There is no evidence whatsoever to suggest that Ethiopian Christians regarded Ḥarägo, or her children, as in any way different from the rest of the royal family, or that they were in any way discriminated against on account of their non-Christian, or Bétä Esraʾél, origin.The idea of a dynastic alliance with the Bétä Esraʾél was subsequently revived by Emperor Susneyos’s rebel brother Ras Yämanä Krestos. He proposed giving his daughter, the Emperor’s niece, to the Sämén ruler Gedéwon’s son and heir Walay. Ras Yämanä Krestos’ rebellion was, however, crushed, after which Susneyos exiled his brother to Gojjam, and forbade the proposed Bétä Esraʾél dynastic alliance. As a Roman Catholic, seeking military support from the Portuguese, and an adherent of the Jesuits, who wished to cleanse Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity of “Judaic” elements, he would moreover have been predisposed against playing the Fälaša card.The subsequent decline of Bétä Esraʾél power, the disappearance of the Fälaša ruling dynasty, and the growing importance of fire-arms, which the Fälaša lacked, created a new strategic and political climate in which dynastic alliances between the Ethiopian monarchy and the Bétä Esraʾél no longer had any place.


2009 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-305
Author(s):  
Steven Kaplan

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to survey the history of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church with an emphasis on several features which are of significance for comparison to Syriac Orthodox Christianity. Although it focuses primarily on the period from 1270 during which 'Ethiopian' was a national rather than ethnic identity, it shares several themes with other papers in this volume. After considering the manner in which Christianity reached Ethiopia and in particular the central role played by the royal court in the acceptance and consolidation of the Church, attention is given to the claims of successive Ethiopian rulers and ethnic groups to be 'Israelites', that is, descendants of biblical figures most notably King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. The paper next considers the manner in which monastic movements, which emerged in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were associated with ethnically based resistance to the expansion of the Christian kingdom. Other themes include the development of a tradition of biblical interpretation and Christological controversies. The paper concludes with a discussion of ongoing research concerning the Ethiopian diaspora which has developed in the period since the Marxist revolution of 1974.


Author(s):  
Eren Tasar

This chapter focuses on the Council for the Affairs of Religious Cults (CARC), created by Stalin in 1944 in order to supervise all officially recognized religions in the USSR with the exception of Russian Orthodox Christianity. CARC vigorously promoted an interpretation of Stalin’s 1943‒44 religious reforms that stressed moderation toward religion and the sanctity of freedom of conscience. As a result of this posture, CARC invested heavily in SADUM’s right to control Muslim communities and enjoy autonomy from local government authorities. It also began to sift through the maze of Central Asian Islamic practices in order to build a vision of a tolerable “Soviet Islam.” Thanks largely to CARC, the 1950s ended up being the most relaxed decade in terms of Soviet pressure on Islam.


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