70 Years of North Korean Government and Changes and Prospects of the Criminal Law in North Korea

Author(s):  
BAEK GYU LEE
2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-156
Author(s):  
Sung-Man Yoon ◽  
Mi-Ok Kim ◽  
Yi-bae Kim ◽  
Hyung-Rok Jung

1969 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pyong Choon Hahm
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 234-250
Author(s):  
Marc Kosciejew

This review of North Korea’s Airirang Mass Games presents a primary account and analysis of a performance unlike anything and unseen anywhere else in the contemporary world. This review contributes to the beginning of a conversation about this performance that has been nearly inaccessible and unavailable to most people, including most other academic researchers or commentators, outside of North Korea. It is arranged into a first-hand descriptive account and then an analysis of the Arirang Mass Games.This review analyses the Arirang Mass Games through a discussion of the materialization, enactment, and embodiment of the regime’s ethnocentric Communist ideology and culture. This analysis draws upon the work of performance philosophers and the work of other scholars and journalists, who have either analyzed and/or also attended the games, to start connecting the ways in which this performance can be regarded as the material embodiment of North Korean culture, national identity, and ideology, or at least the regime’s construction and fantasy of these aspects of the country.This review does not aim to provide justifications for or intend to give support to the North Korean government. Its purpose instead is twofold: first, to help shed light on a spectacular performance that few people outside of North Korea have experienced in such a little known or little understood country; and second, to present a perspective on repetition established in such an isolated and mysterious place, at least compared to the relative openness of most other countries, that few other individuals have personally experienced. 


Author(s):  
Timur Sabitov ◽  
Irina Zhilko ◽  
Artem Gilyov

Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the criminal law of the DPRK is converging more and more with the international standards. The examination of the CC of the DPRK included the analysis of the following: norms-principles and norms-declarations within the law; the structure of North Korean criminal law; its specific legal institutes; the system of punishments under the CC of the DPRK; the responsibility for some types of crimes under this Code. The current CC of the DPRK, adopted in 1950 and amended fifteen times since then, fits harmoniously with the policy of the DPRK. A study of key clauses of the CC of the DPRK, which reveal the attitude of North Korean lawmakers to universally recognized legal values, showed that there is a clear indication of the DPRK’s rapproachment with the international community. It is evident that the criminal law of North Korea is improving. At the same time, although some trends observed in North Korean lawmaking can be viewed as positive from the standpoint of universally recognized legal values, some of its criminal law’s features still make it impossible to conclude that the country has radically changed its criminal policy.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 207-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chimène I. Keitner

The challenges of attributing malicious cyber activity—that is, identifying its authors and provenance with a sufficient degree of certainty—are well documented. This essay focuses on a phenomenon that I call “attribution by indictment.” Since 2014, the United States has issued more than a dozen indictments that implicate four foreign states in malicious cyber activity: China, Iran, Russia, and North Korea. Ten of these indictments were issued in 2018, suggesting that this practice is likely to continue and even intensify in the near term. Attribution by indictment uses domestic criminal law, enforced transnationally, to define and enforce certain norms of state behavior in cyberspace. This essay analyzes the U.S. practice of attribution by indictment as a response to malicious cyber activity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Darynaufal Mulyaman

Sunshine Policy that had been implemented by South Korean Government on Kim Dae-Jung and Roh Moo-Hyeon’s administration from 1998-2008. This policy started to do cooperative behavior for treating North Korea as a partner, not contrarily, yet the Sunshine Policy was considered as a failure by Lee Myung-Bak’s administration, thereupon stopped offhandedly despite recent cultural and cooperative diplomacy that had been done by his successor President Moon Jae-In. Then Why the South Korean government at the time of President Lee Myung-Bak stopped the Sunshine Policy offhand? In the scheme of National Interest idea, North Korea still a predominant threat that very paramount for South Korean national interest, even an accommodative and cooperative policy like Sunshine Policy could not emphasize South Korean national interests. This paper also tries to analyze the issue with explaining foreign policy decision making factors, such as the domestic and external factor, decision environment, and psychology factor of President Lee Myung-Bak at that time.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Yoo-Seong Song

While many library researchers and practitioners, especially those who are interested in international collaboration, have sought to find ways to engage with the North Korean library system, it has not been fruitful due to the dearth of information as well as political restrictions. The recent détente in the Korean peninsula raises hope that we may now have unprecedented opportunities to learn and understand the country since the Korean War ended in 1953. Obtaining any information on North Korea is still difficult. We need to depend on the information released by the North Korean government and personal records of visitors in various forms. Confirming and validating any research results on the country remains extremely challenging, and this leads to the lack of meaningful scholarly discussion and literature on libraries in North Korea.


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