scholarly journals Merezhkovsky’s Neo-Christianity of the Third Testament: From Symbolist Historiosophy to Radical Politics

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 456
Author(s):  
Vadim Polonsky

This article places Dmitry Merezhkovsky’s Chiliastic concept of Three Testaments into a unified structure. The author analyzes the writer’s integral system of Christological, anthropological, and historiosophicidiomyths and meta-symbols. He studies the religious, philosophical, and aesthetic genesis of the semantic transformation of traditional theological constructions and the doctrinal compilation of Russian fin de siècle culture dominant elements. It is shown how religious Modernist mythmaking alters political reality in Merezhkovsky’s mind and draws him towards radical ideologies of the extreme left and right.

In 1882 modern education in both France and the Galilee began a massive and continuous penetration into rural zones, followed by deep tensions between modernist teachers and local conservative populations. Many similarities existed between those two seemingly unconnected rural environments. This article analyzes the essence and the significances of similar features of the above processes and considers whether they might be the result of transnational influences. In both arenas, tensions between teachers and peasants reflected open and hidden social, political, and cultural differences. Peasants could hardly understand the efforts teachers were required to invest; they saw in them threatening representatives of external authorities—the Third Republic in France or the Jewish Colonization Association (JCA), the dominant philanthropic association in the Galilee. Main contestations concerned religion, which, for the teachers, became a symbol of all the negative aspects of peasant societies. Teachers also made great efforts to implant notions of romantic nationalism into societies to which such concepts were alien. Such attitudes were translated into thorny conflicts of influence between teachers and parents in rural communities. Consequently, teachers remained in practice socially semi-excluded.


2001 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Arrighi ◽  
Beverly J. Silver

A sea change of major proportions is taking place in the historical social system forming the modern world, creating a widespread sense of uncertainty about the present and foreseeable future. In the words of Eric Hobsbawm, as ‘the citizens of the fin de siècle tapped their way through the global fog that surrounded them, into the third millennium, all they knew for certain was that an era of history had ended. They knew very little else’.


2000 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-171
Author(s):  
H. L. Wesseling

Organized sport was first developed in Germany in the form of the so-called Turnvereine, and in England at the public schools. It came to France later, at the end of the nineteenth century. Despite this, the modern Olympic Games was a French invention, the result of the ambitions and efforts of an aristocratic admirer of England, Baron Pierre de Coubertin. His ideas and attitudes were in many ways characteristic of fin-de-siècle France.


Author(s):  
Vivien Bouhey

In contrast to traditional historiography, which insists on the absence of organization within the anarchist movement and on the individual character of propaganda by the deed, this chapter situates anarchist attacks in the context of a more structured movement that operated on a local, regional, national, and international scale. This movement was not, however, identical to the “Black International,” the fantasy of a small group giving orders to disciplined operatives that was dreamt up at the time by, among others, police informants and journalists. The chapter shows how, although some attacks were indeed individual and spontaneous, others were carefully prepared by local, regional, national, and cross-border networks whose members benefited from active solidarity within the movement and together managed to terrorize the Third Republic.


Author(s):  
Deaglán Ó Donghaile

Oscar Wilde’s political identity informed his literary writings, which were motivated by his revolutionary outlook as much as they were driven by his Paterian “passion for sensations”. Addressing his radical engagements with anarchism, socialism and anticolonial thought, this monograph provides a new interpretation of Oscar Wilde’s aestheticism and of his major works by emphasising the importance of progressive politics to his positioning and self-identification within late Victorian literary culture. Consisting of previously unpublished material, it provides a politicised and historicised account of Wilde’s key works by situating them within the framework of his very pronounced – but to date critically under-recognised and as yet untheorised - ideological commitment to these radical political causes. This book interprets Wilde’s better-known works against the important political contexts addressed in his correspondence, reviews, lectures and journalism, and through his personal relationships with contemporary radicals.


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