Security aspect of Asean-China relations in South-East Asia

The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.

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‘Ah-Ah’: Britain and the Bandung Conference of 1955

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0022463400011309 ◽

1992 ◽

Vol 23 (1) ◽

pp. 74-111 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Nicholas Tarling

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

Southeast Asia ◽

Domestic Politics ◽

Domestic Policy ◽

People’S Republic Of China ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

Republic Of China

To historians of Southeast Asia, the Bandung conference of 1955 presents itself as one of the most striking international initiatives undertaken by newly-independent Indonesia. For historians of Indonesia, it marks the emphasis on foreign as against domestic policy that was associated with Sukarno's growing dominance. To biographers of Sukarno it appears to be both a strategic device in domestic politics and a farsighted perception of a shift in international relations. Internationally it was both to demonstrate the influence of India and to show its limits. Even more it was to mark some kind of success for the People's Republic of China and for Chou En-lai in developing the foreign policy line associated already with Geneva and the five principles of co-existence.

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Intelligence community of the People's Republic of China

Bezbednost Beograd ◽

10.5937/bezbednost2102122n ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 63 (2) ◽

pp. 122-139

Author(s):

Goran Nikolić

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Silk Road ◽

Security System ◽

Intelligence Community ◽

People’S Republic Of China ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

Republic Of China ◽

Security Challenges ◽

Policy Level ◽

The Silk Road

In this paper, apart from reviewing the existing intelligence structure of the intelligence community of the People's Republic of China, the author critically analyzes its historical development through different epochs, and also the organization, strategic guidelines and scope of its work. The fact that intelligence and security activities in the observed country existed in 2000 BC is emphasized. Their role in the security system of the People's Republic of China, faced with modern security challenges and threats, both on the domestic and foreign policy level is pointed out. At the domestic level, the biggest security challenges are reflected in the separatist aspirations of national minorities, while at the foreign policy level, it is the international position of the People's Republic of China, as the most important challenger for the US global domination. The People's Republic of China is responding to these challenges by increasing its allocations for strengthening and modernizing the national security system, where, in addition to the armed forces, the intelligence and security services also play a major role. It is also pointed out that the study of the intelligence and security community of the People's Republic of China is important for the Republic of Serbia, because our geopolitical position is such that it "connects" the Silk Road Economic Belt and the port of Piraeus, as the most important European point of the Silk Road.

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THE PROSPECTS OF THE RUSSIAN-CHINESE HUMANITARIAN COOPERATION IN FRAMEWORK OF “ONE BELT, ONE ROAD” INITIATIVE IMPLEMENTATION

The Education and science journal ◽

10.17853/1994-5639-2018-7-68-89 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 20 (7) ◽

pp. 68-89 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

D. A. Smaliakou

Keyword(s):

Russian Federation ◽

Silk Road ◽

Development Cooperation ◽

Communication Strategy ◽

People’S Republic Of China ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

Republic Of China ◽

The Social ◽

The Russian Federation ◽

The One

Introduction. Nowadays, the steadily growing relationship with the People’s Republic of China is one of the priority directions of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. According to the author of the present paper, new opportunities for active constructive interaction between the countries are provided with the One Belt and One Road Initiative (OBOR or BRI) adopted by China for the purpose of combination of efforts of the states for stable development of economy in the Eurasian space and peaceful co-existence of the people on the basis of the principles of openness, inclusivity of different civilizations, tolerance, safety, mutual benefit and training.The aimof the paper is to discuss the status and prospects of the RussianChinese cooperation in the humanitarian field and search for new narrative for development cooperation.Methodology and research methods. The research was performed with a support on philosophical and general scientific methods: comparative, structurally functional and system types of analysis, synthesis, generalization, and forecasting.Results and scientific novelty. The Russian-Chinese recent cooperation was considered. Special attention was given to education communication strategy as one of the reliable and checked channels of establishment and consolidation of international economic relations. The educational component of humanitarian interaction enables to provide effective tools for adjustment and support for the international dialogue and has an extensive range of opportunities for harmonization of cultural, social and even political standards.It is emphasized that further strengthening of the productive bilateral interaction of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation is prevented by its developed model which is under construction and functions mainly at the level of public authorities. In spite of the fact that the relations between two countries are on the rise, the potential of the existing model has become exhausted, and it is therefore necessary to search for other ways of future joint collaborative work. Strengthening of partnership requires the transition to multilateral cooperation with other states and mutual participation of Russia and China in the course of overcoming the social and economic imbalance in the zone of their shared interests – the territory of the revived Silk Road. The third countries located along its southern transit corridor, unlike the states of the northern direction, are characterized by the backwardness of economics, high unemployment rate, lack of the fair system of upward mobility, poverty and ignorance of the population, thus promoting the spread of religious extremism and escalation of international conflicts. The author proposed to involve the humanitarian sphere as the mechanism of the start of transcontinental infrastructure projects in order to normalize the social and economic situation in these regions, to overcome socio-cultural barriers and to achieve integration of economics of various states for the sake of their steady growth and effectivization. The coordinated actions of China, Russia and EU countries for the promotion and maintenance of modern models of education can become a decisive factor to stabilize and implement the One Belt and One Road Initiative in problematic regions. In the author’s view, partner States should focus on actions for modernization of national education systems and dissemination of scientific worldview, e.g. in the regions of the Northern Silk Road. Otherwise, the South will remain the centre of regularly military conflicts and terrorism financing, whereas the Russian and Chinese companies will continue to spend considerable personnel and financial resources for the safety of the ongoing joint projects.Practical significance. Materials of the research can be useful as a guide to reconsider the objectives of the Russian-Chinese alliance in the humanitarian sphere and generate new ideas on development and ways of implementation of the international educational programs.

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The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

World Political Science ◽

10.1515/wpsr-2012-0013 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 8 (1) ◽

pp. 252-271

Author(s):

Madoka Fukuda

Keyword(s):

The United States ◽

People’S Republic Of China ◽

Diplomatic Relations ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

African Countries ◽

Republic Of China ◽

The Republic Of China ◽

The Republic ◽

The Government ◽

The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

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Major Themes in Mozambigan Foreign Relations, 1975–1977

Issue A Journal of Opinion ◽

10.1017/s0047160700503850 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 8 (1) ◽

pp. 43-49

Author(s):

William Minter

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Civil War ◽

Foreign Relations ◽

Trade Fair ◽

People’S Republic Of China ◽

Washington Post ◽

People's Republic Of China ◽

Republic Of China

Mozambique “switched from a pro-Chinese to a pro-Soviet stance during the Angolan civil war,” writes a commentator in the influential U.S. quarterly Foreign Policy of Fall 1977. “Mozambique said to Cool on Soviets, Turn West,” headlines a Washington Post dispatch of December 15, 1977. The Economist’s Foreign Report claims in its advertising to have been the first to describe the ideological infighting within FRELIMO and the swing to Russia. The commentators seemed to have missed Mozambique’s 1977 trade fair in September, at which the People’s Republic of China won first prize for an exhibit corresponding to Mozambique’s needs, but if they had been there one might well have seen headlines proclaiming Mozambique’s shift back to China.

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