scholarly journals Intelligence community of the People's Republic of China

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
Goran Nikolić

In this paper, apart from reviewing the existing intelligence structure of the intelligence community of the People's Republic of China, the author critically analyzes its historical development through different epochs, and also the organization, strategic guidelines and scope of its work. The fact that intelligence and security activities in the observed country existed in 2000 BC is emphasized. Their role in the security system of the People's Republic of China, faced with modern security challenges and threats, both on the domestic and foreign policy level is pointed out. At the domestic level, the biggest security challenges are reflected in the separatist aspirations of national minorities, while at the foreign policy level, it is the international position of the People's Republic of China, as the most important challenger for the US global domination. The People's Republic of China is responding to these challenges by increasing its allocations for strengthening and modernizing the national security system, where, in addition to the armed forces, the intelligence and security services also play a major role. It is also pointed out that the study of the intelligence and security community of the People's Republic of China is important for the Republic of Serbia, because our geopolitical position is such that it "connects" the Silk Road Economic Belt and the port of Piraeus, as the most important European point of the Silk Road.

Author(s):  
Serhii Averianov ◽  

The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
William Minter

Mozambique “switched from a pro-Chinese to a pro-Soviet stance during the Angolan civil war,” writes a commentator in the influential U.S. quarterly Foreign Policy of Fall 1977. “Mozambique said to Cool on Soviets, Turn West,” headlines a Washington Post dispatch of December 15, 1977. The Economist’s Foreign Report claims in its advertising to have been the first to describe the ideological infighting within FRELIMO and the swing to Russia. The commentators seemed to have missed Mozambique’s 1977 trade fair in September, at which the People’s Republic of China won first prize for an exhibit corresponding to Mozambique’s needs, but if they had been there one might well have seen headlines proclaiming Mozambique’s shift back to China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (04-1) ◽  
pp. 122-133
Author(s):  
Ilya Kolesnikov ◽  
Konstantin Kasparyan ◽  
Elena Malyshkina ◽  
Jordan Gjorchev

The article is devoted to the comprehension of changes in foreign policy of Communist China during Mao Zedong's rule - in late 1940s - mid 1970s. The authors investigate the causes and consequences of fundamental changes in the Chinese foreign policy doctrine, taking into account the whole range of objective and subjective factors that led to the deterioration of the Soviet-Chinese relations and the beginning of rapprochement between China and the USA.


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