scholarly journals UK’s Free Trade Agreements with Non-EU Countries: the Case of the Black Sea Region

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-44

With the end of the Brexit transition period and its final departure from the EU, the United Kingdom lost its access to the EU trade agreements that its economy had previously benefited from. Therefore, the UK has been determined to preserve the preferential trading terms with states and trading blocs that used to be covered during its membership in the EU, and introduced a number of Free Trade Agreements (FTA) to guarantee a smooth transition both for the UK and non-EU countries’ economies with which it has extensive trade. The objective is to analyze the signing of Free Trade Agreements between UK and non-EU countries, namely, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Turkey. The methodology is based on comparative case-by-case study. The results indicate that UK’s trade with the countries in Black Sea region (also quite affiliated with the EU) is going to gain more importance, which will broaden the opportunities for the UK become more involved in the economy of the region and, potentially, build stronger and independent political ties with the countries studied.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : The EU-Mercosur deal of 2019 was heralded as a milestone of free trade agreements worldwide in times of growing protectionism and nationalism. Critics condemned deficient ecological and sanitary standards as well as persistent non-tariff barriers to trade. The EU farm lobby complained about a sell-out of European interests in advantage of dominating multinationals. However, the fatal repercussions of the deal on Africa have rarely been mentioned. They include increasing cut-throat competition and asymmetrical partnership to the detriment of the African poor. Given the additional destructive impact of the Brexit crisis, African governments should use their increased bargaining power vis à vis the EU27 and the UK, in times of stiffening competition concerning the EU’s Africa trade with new global players such as China and India, to enforce EPAs re-negotiations on a level playing field. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : L'accord de 2019 entre l'UE et le Mercosur a été qualifié de jalon dans les accords de libre-échange dans le monde entier à une époque de protectionnisme et de nationalisme grandissants. Les critiques ont condamné les normes écologiques et sanitaires déficientes, ainsi que les obstacles non-tarifaires persistants au commerce. Le lobby agricole de l'UE s'est plaint de la vente d'intérêts européens au profit de multinationales dominantes. Cependant, les répercussions fatales de l'accord sur l'Afrique ont rarement été mentionnées. Ils incluent une concurrence acharnée et un partenariat asymétrique au détriment des pauvres en Afrique. Compte tenu de l'impact destructeur supplémentaire de la crise du Brexit, les gouvernements africains devraient utiliser leur pouvoir de négociation accru vis-à-vis de l'UE27 et du Royaume-Uni, en période de durcissement de la concurrence concernant le commerce africaine de l'UE avec des nouveaux acteurs mondiaux tels que la Chine et l'Inde, pour imposer des renégociations des APEs sur un pied d’égalité. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Das Abkommen zwischen der EU und dem Mercosur von 2019 wurde als Meilenstein für weltweite Freihandelsabkommen in Zeiten wachsenden Protektionismus und Nationalismus eingeläutet. Kritiker bemängelten unzureichende Umwelt- und Hygienestandards sowie anhaltende nichttarifäre Handelshemmnisse. Die EU-Agrarlobby beschwerte sich außerdem über einen Ausverkauf europäischer Interessen zugunsten dominierender multinationaler Unternehmen. Die fatalen Auswirkungen des Abkommens auf Afrika wurden jedoch selten erwähnt. Dazu gehören ein zunehmender Verdrängungswettbewerb und eine asymmetrische Partnerschaft zum Nachteil der afrikanischen Armen. Angesichts der zusätzlichen destruktiven Auswirkungen der Brexit-Krise sollten die afrikanischen Regierungen, in Zeiten zunehmenden Wettbewerbs im Afrikahandel der EU mit neuen globalen Akteuren wie China und Indien, ihre verstärkte Verhandlungsmacht gegenüber der EU27 und Großbritannien einsetzen, um Neuverhandlungen der Wirtschaftlichen Partnerschaftsabkommen auf Augenhöhe durchzusetzen.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
Kaan Yiğenoğlu

This article scrutinizes relations between economic diplomacy and free trade agreements by focusing on the Turkey-UK free trade agreements which came into force in 2021. Accordingly, the article first introduces the concept of economic diplomacy, an important issue as it has been shown that bilateral trade agreements, nowadays preferred by many countries, can be used as a tool of economic diplomacy. The article then discusses the history and development of free trade agreements signed by Turkey, including its long-running experience of economic integration with the European Union. Although Turkey began establishing free trade agreements in the 1990s, it has been concentrating on and accelerating its use since 2000. Based on economic and political reasons underlying the free economic agreements, the reasons why Turkey and the UK have reached such an agreement are summarized. Economic relations between the two countries are then analyzed and the details of the agreement are investigated in the context of the changes that it provides.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Lam ◽  
Güneş Ünüvar

AbstractThis article scrutinizes the investment chapters in the new EU Free Trade Agreements from a transparency perspective. The article examines the claims that the dispute settlement mechanisms in the new treaties are sufficiently participatory and more transparent than their predecessors. Procedural standards related to confidentiality of proceedings shall be analysed in the context of existing transparency safeguards in investment arbitration. In addition to procedural guarantees of transparency, the article examines relevant substantive rules affecting participatory aspects of dispute settlement. Furthermore, the article discusses forum-shopping strategies of the parties in the field of investment-related disputes, including internal forum-shopping and parallel proceedings using different procedural mechanisms. In this context, lessons from other fields such as international commercial arbitration related to transparency (in cases in which public interest is present) are highlighted. The proposal for the establishment of an integrated, multilateral court for investment cases is also invoked.


Significance Even if it succeeds, this will have a greater disruptive impact on the trade in services than goods, because the EU’s single market enables greater cross-border services trade than is typical of other free trade agreements (FTAs). This is likely to cut the volume of EU-UK services trade, in which the United Kingdom currently enjoys a substantial surplus. Impacts The United Kingdom’s departure from the EU will diminish its appeal for multinationals over the next few years, at least. The new UK immigration system could result in staff shortages in low-skilled services sectors. The imperative of tackling COVID-19 will likely delay the conclusion of new trade deals with non-EU countries.


Author(s):  
Sedat AYBAR

This paper examines the impact of co-operation between Turkey and  the US upon Turkish trade and investments towards the Black Sea  region. The study is particularly important in the conjuncture of the  US withdrawal from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and in the wake of signing a free  trade agreement with the EU. An additional matter of importance  relates to the improved Turkey – Russia economic collaboration especially after the “jet” incident and American  involvement with the Middle East. Significant part of the latter is  economic as the US has also explicit economic interests in the  Eastern Meditteranean. A gravity model has been employed using  ordinary least squares on a panel data with fixed effects to analyse aggregate trade. We have also categorized export groups of  Turkey and the US separately. Our findings for both Turkish and the US exports indicate that per-capita GDP of Black Sea countries are  highly persistent and positively correlated with increased efficiency  gains and trade volumes. Regression results show that the US  exports to the EU member countries are on average less than to  those non-EU member Black Sea countries. Hence, we question  whether a possible co-operation between the US and Turkish  companies can help gaining better access to the Black Sea market for their exports.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document