A Platonic Concept of Political Liberty in the Laws : Comparison with Athenian Democratic Ideologies

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-35
Author(s):  
Sooenn Park
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Sarah Hutton

This chapter demonstrates how early modern male and female thinkers alike were concerned not only with ethical, religious, and political liberty, but also with the liberty to philosophize, or libertas philosophandi. It is argued that while men’s interests in this latter kind of liberty tended to lie with the liberty to philosophize differently from their predecessors, women were more concerned with the liberty to philosophize at all. For them, the idea that women should be free to think was foundational. This chapter shows how some women thinkers of the period, such as Damaris Cudworth Masham (1658–1708) and Mary Astell (1666–1731), followed through on the general trend of thinking about liberty in terms of freedom of the mind, to thinking about liberty for women in wider ethical and political terms. To support this point, the chapter explores their views on education, female rationality, and moral philosophy.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110439
Author(s):  
Kevin Blachford

Republicanism is an approach within political theory that seeks to secure the values of political liberty and non-domination. Yet, in historical practice, early modern republics developed empires and secured their liberty through policies that dominated others. This contradiction presents challenges for how neo-Roman theorists understand ideals of liberty and political freedom. This article argues that the historical practices of slavery and empire developed concurrently with the normative ideals of republican liberty. Republican liberty does not arise in the absence of power but is inherently connected to the exercise of power.


Author(s):  
Lillian Guerra

This chapter argues that the reason for Eddy Chibás's appeal—indeed, the reason he was seen as a selfless loco or madman amid hordes of self-interested hypocrites—lay in the crushing weight of nationalist consciousness and anti-imperialist sentiments among Cubans at the time. Consequently, when Chibás founded La Ortodoxía as a movement in 1947, his rivals in the ruling Auténtico Party simply could not control a stage increasingly crowded by average citizens committed to this task. From the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, government-sanctioned violence and widespread corruption characterized Cuba's brief “democratic moment,” but so did civic activism, unarmed struggles for political liberty, and a flourishing, expanding media.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

In order that American communities may thrive in a 21st century democratic context, both individuals and organizations across the private, public, and nonprofit sectors must intentionally dedicate themselves to promoting an inclusive flow of information designed to support collective problem-solving, the coordination of community activity, public accountability, and connectedness within the community. Our national commitment to democracy – to ideals of political liberty and equality – means not only that local communities need information adequate for these purposes, but that our practices of information creation, organization, analysis, and transmission be democratic in character. This creates a special community need for good journalism, for a for-profit media environment attentive to issues of access, diversity, relevance, and media power, and for nonprofit institutions that develop and organize information in the public interest that assist communities by actively facilitating democratic conversation for community agenda-setting, problem-solving and conflict resolution. Communities that pursue these aims should be considered “democratic information communities.”


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