The New Military Forces and Its Conspirators who took away ‘Spring 1980’ : Controversy over Kang Won-taek’s “Analyzing the success of Chun Doo Hwan’s Long Coup d’état”

2018 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 158-190
Author(s):  
Sang Ho Jeong
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 203-214
Author(s):  
António Tomás

Having lost the war politically, with the independence of Guinea and the recognition of Guinean state by dozens of countries, Estado Novo was entering into a crisis of legitimacy. Members of the Portuguese military forces formed the Movement of Armed Forces, who lead the popular uprising against Marcelo Caetano on April 1974. The end of Estado Novo was not an automatic confirmation of the end of colonialism. But independence was inevitable. By the end of 1975, Portugal was no longer a colonial empire in Africa. Against Cabral’s desire, independence did bring the unity between Cope Verdeans and Guineans. Whereas Cape Verde was governed by an all- Cape Verdean government, Guinea had a few Cape Verdean in its government. The coup d’etat led by Nino Vieira against Cabral’s bother Luís Cabral has been considered the second death of Cabral.


Author(s):  
João Roberto Martins Filho

The coup that took place in Brazil on March 31, 1964 can be understood as a typical Cold War event. Supported by civilians, the action was carried out by the armed forces. Its origins hark back to the failed military revolt, headed by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in November of 1935, stirring up strong anticommunist sentiments. The Estado Novo coup, which occurred two years later, was supported by the army (war) and navy ministers. It marked the beginnings of the dictatorial phase of Getúlio Vargas, who had been in power since 1930. At the end of the Second World War, officers who had taken part in the struggle against Nazism in Italy returned to Brazil and overthrew the dictatorial Vargas regime, who nonetheless returned to power through the 1950 presidential elections. In 1954, under pressure from right-wing military forces, he committed suicide, thereby frustrating existing plans for another coup d’état. The Superior War School (ESG), created in 1949, had become both the birthplace of the ideology of National Security and stage where the French doctrine of guerre révolutionnaire was welcomed. During the 1950s, the military came to be divided into pro-American and nationalist factions. The alliance between the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) and the centrist Social Democratic Party (PSD), which had elected Vargas earlier, now enabled Juscelino Kubitschek’s victory in the 1955 elections, disappointing the conservatives of the National Democratic Union (UDN) and its military allies. The latter were briefly encouraged when the 1960 presidential election put Jânio Quadros at the head of the executive. In August 1961, when Quadros resigned, his military ministers tried to use force to keep Vice-President João Goulart, Vargas’s political heir at the head of the PTB, from taking office. The coup was frustrated by the resistance of the governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Yet the Goulart administration was marked by instability, in the midst of intense social struggles and by a sharp economic crisis. The outcome of this drama began to take shape in March 1963, when the government took a leftwards turn. A massive demonstration in downtown Rio de Janeiro on March 13 served as an alert, and the March 25 sailors’ revolt as the match in the powder keg. On March 31, military forces carried out the infamous coup. The Goulart administration collapsed. Social movements were left waiting for orders to resist that never came.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 428-466
Author(s):  
Noel M. Morada

Abstract This article examines how atrocity prevention efforts have had a limited effect on the violence and atrocities being committed in Myanmar. Myanmar’s military forces, the Tatmadaw, remain free to commit atrocities against vulnerable populations in the country, particularly against the Rohingya minority in Rakhine state. These efforts have been stymied at both the international and regional levels, especially now that the Tatmadaw rule the country following a coup d’etat in February 2021. UN efforts have fallen short as the Tatmadaw refuse to cooperate with the international community due to a lack of trust in UN processes and a subsequent siege mentality over heightened international outrage over the treatment of both the Rohingyas and protesters against the coup. Prevention efforts through asean, of which Myanmar is a member, have also fallen short. This is due primarily to a lack of accountability for erring members, and a long-standing principle of non-interference in members’ domestic affairs. Currently, there are no incentives for the Tatmadaw to negotiate and stop the violence committed against their own people. Indeed, the failure of these prevention efforts and the increased notions of nationalism they foster may be used by the Tatmadaw to continue their current policies of isolation and maintain power.


2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (S2) ◽  
pp. S25
Author(s):  
Rannveig Bremer Fjær ◽  
Knut Ole Sundnes

In frequent humanitarian emergencies during the last decades, military forces increasingly have been engaged through provision of equipment and humanitarian assistance, and through peace-support operations. The objective of this study was to evaluate how military resources could be used in disaster preparedness as well as in disaster management and relief.


1980 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Dunkerley
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  

This chapter traces the conflicts faced by the aristocratic constituted bodies at the close of the Seven Years' War. Fighting had gone on for a generation interrupted by a few years of truce; governments had accumulated great debts, which they had now to find means to carry or repay. The search by governments for new sources of income met with resistance from magistracies or assemblies in many countries. It therefore produced constitutional crises. “From the need for money, which put into motion the machinery of reforms, arose a great drama: the clash between autonomous entities and the central power, between local governing classes and foreign rule.” The discussions cover the quasi-revolution in France, 1763–1774; the monarchist coup d'etat of 1772 in Sweden; and the Hapsburg Empire.


Author(s):  
Nikita Ravochkin

From the standpoint of historical (macro) sociology, the article examines the main directions of transformation of the sources of power identified by the English scientist M. Mann in the realities of post-modern society. The essential characteristics of the four sources of social power, which include ideology, military forces, economics and political characteristics of the organization of states, are considered. The vectors of transformations of these sources of power, contributing to changes in the image of power at the present time, are noted. The interdependence of transformations and the specificity of their manifestation at the institutional level in the political and legal sphere of public life are shown.


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