cape verdean
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2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
Martina Giuffrè

Following island studies scholars’ suggestion to think “with the archipelago” in order to denaturalize and de-territorialize the object of study and grant more attention to decolonization processes and mobilities, this paper uses a gender perspective and multi-sited ethnographic research to explore changes in Cape Verdean identity perception related to islandness and migration issues. The tension between ‘openness’ and ‘closure’ is significant in the case of Cape Verde, where the relationship between the island and islanders represents a condition of being in the world. The sea opens to the outside, but it also closes off and imprisons islanders within the borders of the island. Before the 1970s, when most Cape Verdean migrants were men, inside/outside boundaries were played out as gender boundaries along the male/female opposition: external/internal, Terra Longe (the outside world)/Terra Mamaizinha (the motherland), danger/security. On the isle of Santo Antão, however, this has been changing with the gradual feminization of emigration to Europe. This shift has revolutionized the previous sense of home, giving rise to a new form of transnational female family that connects places of immigration and places of origin while also reorienting Cape Verdean female belonging from insular to transnational.


Author(s):  
J. Clancy Clements

The Portuguese colonial enterprise has had myriad and long-lasting consequences, not the least of which involves language. The many Portuguese-lexified creole languages in Africa and Asia are the product of Portugal’s colonial past. The creoles to be discussed that developed in Africa belong to two subgroups: the Upper Guinea Creoles (Cape Verdean, Guiné Bissau Creole, Casamance Creole) and the Gulf of Guinea Creoles (Santome, Angolar, Principense, Fa d’Ambô). Among the Asian Portuguese creoles, three subgroups are distinguishable, based on shared linguistic traits: the northern Indian group (Diu, Daman, Korlai), which retains some verbal morphology from Portuguese and distinguishes the subject/object case and informal-formal forms in the pronominal systems; Sri Lanka Creole, which retains less Portuguese verbal morphology but distinguishes the subject/object case and informal-formal forms in the pronominal system; and the East Asian group (Papiá Kristang, Makista), which retains very little, if any, Portuguese verbal morphology and has no informal-formal or subject/object case distinctions in the pronominal systems. Despite these differences, all creoles share a common lexicon, to a large extent, and, to varying degrees, aspects of Portuguese culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Violeta Alarcão ◽  
Pedro Candeias ◽  
Sónia Pintassilgo ◽  
Fernando Luís Machado

Based on data from the FEMINA study, this communication aims to explore inequalities in HPV vaccine uptake. Results highlighted differences between the Portuguese and the Cape Verdean women: 97% vs. 67% had heard about the HPV vaccine; 30% vs. 9% had been vaccinated, and 71% vs. 82% had reported a lack of medical recommendation as a major reason for not having been vaccinated. Further research on the mechanisms that operate in the production of health disparities is needed to promote equity-focused interventions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 100184
Author(s):  
Maria de Fátima Carvalho Alves ◽  
Maria da Luz Lima Mendonça ◽  
Janice de Jesus Xavier Soares ◽  
Silvânia Leal ◽  
Menilita dos Santos ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Glaúcia Nogueira

The landscape of Cape Verdean music is diverse, and its musical genres, like the society from which they emanate, are mostly Creole. They stem from the interactions of the local population with other peoples, not only through colonization, but also from the emigration of Cape Verdeans to other countries. In addition, maritime traffic in the Atlantic, which has always traversed the archipelago, was a fruitful channel of contact with other cultures. These factors meant that Cabo Verde remained attuned to cultural trends and lifestyles circulating around the world. Morna, koladera, batuku, and funaná are the most prominent genres on any list of musical styles considered “genuinely” Cape Verdean, if it makes sense to use this adjective in a society marked so heavily by ethnic admixture. That list must also include: 19th-century European musical styles (mazurka, waltz, schottische, polka, gallop) that local musicians appropriated by playing them; the talaia baxu, from the island of Fogo; and a group of musical expressions related to the feasts of the Catholic calendar, with songs, dances, and drumming, such as the kola sanjon (commemorating St. John the Baptist), present on several islands; the activities of tabankas (mutual aid associations that, among other activities, celebrate the dates of Catholic saints) in Santiago and the flag festivals on the island of Fogo. Other religious traditions include the litanies inherited from the Portuguese tradition sung in Creole. There are also popular songs related to work and other activities like sowing, fishing, and labor with oxen in the artisanal production of rum (grogo, grogue, grogu). The oxen work songs (kola boi) are nearly extinct. Weddings songs are also part of traditional musical practices that are either nearly extinct or performed as folklore representations only. In terms of popular music with international circulation since the 1970s, Cape Verdean youth have enthusiastically embraced rap, reggae, zouk from the Antilles, and to a lesser extent rock, by producing Cape Verdean versions of these genres.


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Nicola Bermingham

Changes to the global infrastructure have contributed to the growing (linguistic) diversity of large metropolises. However, there have been calls from scholars to explore “emerging superdiversity” (DePalma and Pérez-Caramés 2018) in peripheral regions in order to fully understand the complexities and nuances of the sociolinguistics of globalisation (Wang et al. 2014; Pietikäinen et al. 2016). This article, therefore, explores language ideologies among a purposive sample of five young adults of Cape Verdean origin living in the peripheral region of Galicia, Spain, and draws on interview data to examine the ways in which multilingual migrants engage with the language varieties in their linguistic repertoire. In studying immigration from a former African colony to a bilingual European context, we can see how language ideologies from the migrant community are reflected in local ones. The sociolinguistic dynamics of Cape Verde and Galicia share many similarities: both contexts are officially bilingual (Galician and Spanish in Galicia, Kriolu and Portuguese in Cape Verde), and questions regarding the hierarchisation of languages remain pertinent in both cases. The ideologies about the value and prestige of (minority) languages that Cape Verdean migrants arrive with are thus accommodated by local linguistic ideologies in Galicia, a region which has a history of linguistic minoritisation. This has important implications for the ways in which language, as a symbolic resource, is mobilised by migrants in contexts of transnational migration. The findings of this study show how migrants are key actors in (re)shaping the linguistic dynamics of their host society and how, through their practices and discourses, they challenge long-standing assumptions about language, identity and linguistic legitimacy, and call into question ethno-linguistic boundaries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203-214
Author(s):  
António Tomás

Having lost the war politically, with the independence of Guinea and the recognition of Guinean state by dozens of countries, Estado Novo was entering into a crisis of legitimacy. Members of the Portuguese military forces formed the Movement of Armed Forces, who lead the popular uprising against Marcelo Caetano on April 1974. The end of Estado Novo was not an automatic confirmation of the end of colonialism. But independence was inevitable. By the end of 1975, Portugal was no longer a colonial empire in Africa. Against Cabral’s desire, independence did bring the unity between Cope Verdeans and Guineans. Whereas Cape Verde was governed by an all- Cape Verdean government, Guinea had a few Cape Verdean in its government. The coup d’etat led by Nino Vieira against Cabral’s bother Luís Cabral has been considered the second death of Cabral.


2021 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
António Tomás
Keyword(s):  

Having everything ready for the proclamation of Guinea’s independence, Cabral would not witness this moment. In January 1973, Cabral was tragically killed by his own men, as part of a coup against Cape Verdean leadership of PAIGC. The assassination of Cabral provoked commotion throughout the world. However, it did not prevented independence from taking place. Galvanized by the physical disappearance of Cabral, PAIGC fighters attacked Portuguese forces and proclaimed independence in September 1973. Disgruntled Portuguese military staged a successful coup d’état, known as the Carnation Revolution, that toppled Estado Novo.


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