scholarly journals Mortificatie en vivificatie in de Heidelbergse Catechismus

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abraham Van de Beek

Dit artikel richt zich op kritiek die geleverd is op het gedeelte over de dankbaarheid in de Heidelbergse Catechismus. Enerzijds is er kritiek dat de catechismus te negatief is over de vernieuwing van het leven van christenen. Anderzijds wordt gesteld dat de nadruk op dankbaarheid leidt tot een nieuwe vorm van knechtschap. Daartegenover wordt in dit artikel betoogd dat de negatieve benadering van de geboden in de catechismus haar wortels heeft in de decaloog en in de wijze waarop zowel het Oude als het Nieuwe Testament spreekt over het leven naar Gods wil. Het nieuwe leven is een vrije gave van God en daarom nooit een verplichting maar vrijheid. Deze wordt alleen bedreigd door de menselijke neiging om het eigen leven zeker te stellen. Door deze neiging wordt het vertrouwen in Gods gunst ontkend. Aangezien het Oude en het Nieuwe Testament beide deze menselijke neiging bestrijden is de paraenese dikwijls negatief geformuleerd en de Heidelbergse Catechismus volgt hen daarin.This article deals with critiques to the section on ‘Gratitude’ in the Heidelberg Catechism. On the one hand the catechism is said to be too negative about Christian renewal. On the other hand, its stress on gratitude appears to evoke a new servitude. In contrast to these criticisms, this article argues that the negative approach of the Catechism to the commandments has its roots in the Decalogue and in the calling to live according to God’s will as found in both the Old and the New Testament. The new life is God’s free gift and therefore never an obligation, but freedom, which is only endangered by the human inclination to secure life. By doing so, trust in God’s gift of freedom is negated. Since both the Old and the New Testament opposet his human inclination, the paraenesis is often formulated negatively and the Heidelberg Catechism follows this approach.

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86
Author(s):  
Jens Dörpinghaus

Zusammenfassung Markus 14,27-28; 16,7 und Lukas 24,49 bzw. Apostelgeschichte 1,4 sprechen jeweils unterschiedliche Erwartungen für die Erscheinungsorte des Auferstandenen aus und insbesondere für das Verbleiben der Jünger. Markus spricht von Galiläa als Erscheinungsort, nach Lukas 24,49 sollen die Jünger jedoch in Jerusalem bleiben. Dieses Spannungsfeld wird häufig durch Methoden der Form- und Traditionskritik untersucht. Hier soll dieser Ansatz nicht nur diskutiert, sondern es sollen auch die theologischen Implikationen untersucht werden. Anhand eines neuen literarisch-chronologischen Ordnungsversuchs in den Evangelien kann herausgearbeitet werden, dass sich beide Aussagen auf die Nachfolge der Jünger Jesu in bestimmten Abschnitten der Zeit vor und nach der Auferstehung Jesu und seiner Himmelfahrt beziehen. Damit findet sich eine neue Perspektive auf die nachösterliche Nachfolge im Neuen Testament.SummaryMark 14:27-28 and 16:7 on the one hand and Luke 24:49 with Acts 1:4 on the other hand mention different locations where the disciples will meet Jesus after the resurrection or where they should stay. Mark mentions Galilee, Luke Jerusalem. Most scholars try to solve this conflict with the methods of form criticism or tradition criticism. This article discusses the shortcomings of this approach and discusses the resulting theological implications for both Jerusalem and Galilee. It introduces a new literary approach for ordering the post-resurrection appearances in the Gospels and Acts. The results provide new perspectives on discipleship in the period after Easter in the New Testament.RésuméMarc 14:27-28 et 16:7 d’un côté et Luc 24:49 avec Actes 1:4 de l’autre mentionnent différents lieux où les disciples rencontreront Jésus après la résurrection ou devront attendre. Marc cite la Galilée, Luc Jérusalem. La plupart des exégètes s’efforcent de résoudre ce conflit en recourant aux méthodes de la critique des formes ou de la tradition. Cet article traite des faiblesses de cette approche et aborde les implications théologiques qui en résultent pour à la fois Jérusalem et la Galilée. Il introduit une nouvelle approche littéraire pour ordonner les apparitions post-résurrection dans l’Évangile et les Actes. Les résultats ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives sur le discipulat en cette période importante du Nouveau Testament.


2021 ◽  
pp. 69-92
Author(s):  
Gilles Dorival

On the one hand, all of the deuterocanonical books and all of the supplements to Daniel, Esther, Jeremiah have Jewish origin. In fact, there are only five Christian texts within the Septuagint, perhaps six, if Job 42:17a originated from a Christian circle (which is less likely than from a Jewish milieu). The five texts are found in the Psalter. After Psa 13:3ab, Psa 13:3c–j gives a lengthy quotation of Paul’s Rom 3:12–18. In the Odes, there are four Christian texts: three passages of Luke and one ecclesiastical composition. On the other hand, New Testament verses are introduced into the Septuagint. There are, at most, 159 possible Christianized verses listed for the whole of the Septuagint of which twenty-five occur in Psalms. Of these twenty-five, nine have very limited Christianization: the verses that align with the New Testament text occur only in one, two, or three manuscripts. There are twelve cases of partial Christianization attested in more than three manuscripts and there is only one example of a complete Christianization: Psa 39:7b (40:7b MT), but even this is debated among scholars. Finally, it happens that a few words (less than half a verse) are added into the verses of the Septuagint. There are just six potential Christian additions of this kind. Of these, Psa 65:1a has to be removed. Five cases remain: Psa 37:14a; 37:21c; 49:6a; 50:9a, and 95:10a. The latter is the most famous example: instead of ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king”’, the Coptic versions, some manuscripts and some Fathers offer ‘say among the nations: “the Lord became king from (the) wood”’. So, a connection is established between the Lord of the Psalm and the wood of Jesus’ cross. In sum, the Septuagint text is very little Christianized: the translation remains remarkably close to its Jewish origin.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
Joel Marcus

Abstract The word כְּנַעֲנִי in Zech 14:21b (“there will no longer be a כְּנַעֲנִי in the house of the Lord of hosts”), has usually been interpreted either in an ethnic (“Canaanite”) or in a mercantile sense (“trader,” “merchant”), and it is possible that in its original context it was a double entendre. In later exegesis, the mercantile interpretation comes to predominate, but the ethnic sense is never completely eclipsed. The New Testament allusions to the Zecharian text reflect both interpretations. On the one hand, the Markan and Johannine Jesus utilizes the mercantile interpretation when he forbids the commerce in the Temple to continue (Mark 11:15-17; John 2:14-17). On the other hand, Mark also seems to reflect the ethnic interpretation, at least indirectly, since he seems to be responding to revolutionaries who used it to justify their ethnic cleansing and military occupation of the Temple. But Mark, for his own part, may have employed the sort of punning exegesis common in ancient Judaism to interpret Zech 14:21b as a prophecy of the eschatological expulsion of these revolutionaries from their Temple headquarters: on that day, there will no longer be קַנְאָנִין (“Zealots”) in the house of the Lord of Hosts.


2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert J. Steyn

The purpose of this contribution is to present a general survey of darkness as power in the New Testament. It is generally accepted that darkness functions on a symbolic-metaphorical level on the one hand and on a literal level on the other hand. The former receives attention in this study where darkness is almost exclusively connected with the domain of power of the evil. The issue of darkness is investigated from four dimensions (1) as an opposing power to light in a dualistic worldview, (2) as a ruling power with a grip on death and the grave, (3) as a power of the evil and the struggle for liberation and (4) as a symbol and instrument of judgement of God in an apocalyptic worldview, with darkness eventually becoming the condemned. It is concluded that there seems to be at least two New Testament perceptions regarding the position of darkness as power: The domain of evil’s darkness is located in the ‘underworld’, but gradually this view changed to also include a space in the layers of heaven above the earth. Earthlings found themselves in the midst of the struggle between Belial and Christ – the latter who finally conquers the power of darkness and now rules above the dark forces of evil.


1969 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-188
Author(s):  
P. C. Craigie

The declaration that ‘Yahweh is a Man of Wars’page 1 poses a problem for the modern reader of the Old Testament. The direct connexion between God and war seems to be alien to the spirit of the New Testament. And today, when the horrors of war are so constantly in the news, this epithet for God seems to be all the more abhorrent. The epithet was quoted at the beginning of an article in an earlier volume of this Journal, A. Gelston's ‘The Wars of Israel’.page 2 The problem becomes most acute in the question of the wars of conquest, for there we can trace two aspects of Yahweh's activity. On the one hand, Yahweh uses war as a means of judgment on the sinful Canaanitespage 3; on the other hand, He uses war as a means to an end, namely the fulfilment of the patriarchal and Covenant promises.page 4 Although Gelston mentions this double aspect of the wars of conquest (p. 326), his conclusions only satisfy the former of the two aspects (p. 331). Of his five summary points, two are applicable to this particular case. The first is that ‘when Yahweh is identified with Israel's cause, the motive is usually the execution of judgment on Yahweh's enemies’, and secondly he declares that ‘Yahweh alone is ultimately sovereign in human history, and his cause is always just’.


1987 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37
Author(s):  
J. C. Coetzee

Satan and his powers in the New Testament — especially as opposed to the Holy Spirit Growing tendencies towards "Satanism" on the one hand and extremes of "demon exorcism" on the other hand has in this century led to intensified theological reactions as to the reality of Satan and his demons. This article does not intend to be polemic. Notice has been taken of various theological viewpoints. However, the intent is to carefully and exegetically listen to the testimonies of New Testament Scriptures themselves with regard to: 1. the personal existence and work of Satan and his demons, known under various names; 2. the centrality of belief in the existence of Satan and his powers in their anti-God, anti-Christ works; 3. the interrelation of the existence and the works of Satan (and his powers) with that of the Holy Spirit.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 622-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
GJ Steyn

This is the second of two contributions that are asking how the New Testament could be used in a responsible manner in the debate about homosexuality. After an introductory discussion about the possibility that the NT writings provide us with guidelines, the five passages used in the debate are briefly surveyed. It is suggested that 1 Cor 6:9-11 might be understood against the backdrop of the existing cults and religious practices that were found in 1st century Corinth. Some guidelines are then formulated in order to proceed to a more responsible handling of the NT in the debate.  Apart from an acknowledgment of the diversity of  terms that are used, it is clear that immorality is closely connected with the idolatry and in association with homosexual behaviour. Homosexuality was thus closely linked with idolatry, immorality and perversity in the ancient NT socio-religious world. It is clear that there are no references to homosexual orientation as a sexual identity, on the one hand, and that the NT unequivocally rejects homosexual behaviour in a range of different forms, on the other  hand. It is not possible to talk unqualifiedly about homosexuality any more.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 514-535
Author(s):  

This essay argues that there is a relationship between the presentation and evaluation of emotions, on the one hand, and the genre(s) in which these are present, on the other hand. A significant difference can be observed between narrative and paraenetic texts. In narrative texts, we find a plurality of emotions that are evaluated in a differentiated manner, accepted as reality, and linked to the body. In paraenetic texts, emotions are often reduced to a single alternative. Great authorities urge one to avoid these emotions in future, whereas narratives tend to give the reader the opportunity to take one’s distance from them. Different anthropological possibilities of perceiving and coping with reality correspond to the different genres.



2008 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-284
Author(s):  
David Pastorelli

AbstractThe anti-Montanist notice of Pseudo-Hippolytus, Ref. VIII, 19 is often quoted in research in order to show that the Phrygian prophets wrote numerous books to complete the New Testament. It is, however, marked by an obvious editorial activity: the motive of countless books belongs to the author's heresiological arsenal and should not be counted as a testimony for the history of the New Testament canon. The author is more concerned about the issue of women's ministry : the conflict is on the one hand about the status of Priscilla and Maximilla as prophetic teachers, based on the prophetic office of the Paraclete, and on the other hand about their claims to write « prophetic » commentaries. The underlying principle is the Pauline prohibition that women teach, a fortiori that they write books.


Author(s):  
Yii-Jan Lin

This chapter contends that the study of gender, sexuality, and the New Testament is not limited to the content of texts or their historical contexts. On the contrary, how we formulate a textual entity and how we approach that entity contribute to the dynamics that constitute identity, and are thus important to the discussion. In the case of the New Testament, Western Christianity has understood the active Word, or Logos, of God as “masculine” in its creative power. The text of the New Testament, on the other hand, requires historical and philological study, and is decidedly “feminine” in its vulnerability to disease and adulteration, especially in the field of textual criticism. Disrupting metaphors and conceptions of text and speech, masculine and feminine, can be found in ancient Judaism’s formulation of the Written and Oral Torah, as well as in Clement of Alexandria, the Odes of Solomon, and in Plato.


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