the ruin which has befallen them. Then if they are able, if they have time before they die, they summon their friends and relatives and call them to witness; they tell them the identity of the killers and solemnly instruct them to take vengeance for the crime against them – [30] as my father instructed me, his son, during his last pitiable illness. If they cannot reach them, they write down a statement and call their servants to witness and reveal the identity of the killers. This is what my father did; he revealed all this and gave his instructions to me, young as I still was, not to his slaves. [31] For my part, I have told my tale and given my support to the dead man and the law. It is for you to consider the rest for yourselves and to vote in accordance with justice. I think that the gods below also take an interest in the victims of wrongdoing. The central facts are straightforward enough. The speaker’s father died not long after a friend, Philoneos, with whom he had dined. According to the speaker, he believed himself to have been poisoned. Philoneos’ mistress, who was probably a slave, confessed under torture to administering poison, apparently in the belief that she was giving Philoneos a drug which would restore his desire for her. The speaker claims that his father imposed a solemn injunction (Greek episkepsis) on him, stating that he was the victim of murder and instructing him to pursue the killer. §30 seems to suggest that the speaker was very young at the time, and it may be that a substantial interval has intervened since the father’s death, perhaps the interval needed for the speaker to reach the age of majority and so be able to prosecute (there was no time limit, prothesmia, in homicide cases). There is no real reason to doubt the broad outline of ascertainable events provided by the speaker, and one can readily see why the son of the first marriage might welcome the chance to prosecute his stepmother. The problem resides in the imputation of guilt to the stepmother; there is in fact a striking lack of evidence to incriminate her. Even if we accept that Philoneos and the speaker’s father were poisoned (and not merely the victims of food-poisoning or some other natural cause) and that Philoneos’ mistress had administered a fatal drug (and did not simply confess to a non-existent crime to be rid of the torture), the speaker’s father could do nothing more than express his suspicions. Whether he even suspected his second wife is not made explicit by the speaker; this may be a deliberate evasion of a weak point. The woman who was tortured evidently did not incriminate the stepmother, or we should have expected to

2002 ◽  
pp. 49-83

has done, you would be right to hate him. [23] For if he has brought up his sons in such a way that they feel neither fear nor shame to commit offences in his presence, offences at that which in some cases carry the death penalty, what punishment in your view could not reasonably be inflicted on him? For myself, I think that this is evidence that he did not respect his own father either; for if Konon personally had honoured and feared his own father, he would have demanded that his sons too honour and fear him. [24] Please take these laws too, the law dealing with outrage and the one about clothes-stealers. For you will see that they are liable under both. Read it. Laws Konon’s actions render him liable under both laws; he committed both outrage and clothes-stealing. And if we have chosen not to sue under these laws, though we would rightly be recognized as peaceful and reasonable, he is a criminal all the same. [25] Indeed, if anything had happened to me, he would have faced a charge of murder and the most terrible punishment. At any rate, in the case of the father of the priestess at Brauron, though it was agreed that he did not touch the dead man, the Council of the Areopagos exiled him because he urged on the man who struck the blow. And rightly so; for if bystanders instead of checking people attempting a wrongful act through wine or anger or any other cause actually incite them, there is no hope of escape for anyone who falls into the hands of men of violence, and it will be his lot to suffer outrageous treatment until they give up. And this is what happened to me. [26] Now I want to tell you what they did when the arbitration took place. This too will show you their recklessness. They prolonged the time beyond midnight by refusing either to read out the depositions or to hand over copies and just taking our supporters one by one to the stone and making them take an oath, and drafting utterly irrelevant depositions, to the effect that this was his son by a mistress and that he had been treated in this way or that, behaviour which roused the disapproval and disgust of every person present, including finally their own. [27] Anyway, when they tired and had had enough of this conduct, they issued a challenge aimed at causing delay and preventing the sealing of the

2002 ◽  
pp. 98-98
Keyword(s):  
The Dead ◽  
The Law ◽  
The One ◽  
A Charge ◽  

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-320
Author(s):  
Natalie Prizel

This essay tells a story of endurance: the endurance of a person and the endurance of an object in an archive, both of which have survived despite their apparent fungibility and ephemerality. It focuses on a Jamaican veteran of the navy and merchant marine – one Edward Albert – who lost his legs while at sea and therefore took to working at various intervals as a crossing sweeper, beggar, shop-owner, and author in London and Glasgow. Albert should have been lost. His shipmates burnt his legs to the point of bursting, and his doctors presumed him to be dead following their amputation. I located Edward Albert initially in the pages of Henry Mayhew's massive, unwieldy, almost unnavigable archive, the four volumes of London Labour and the London Poor. Mayhew interviews Albert in his home and then refers to a small chapbook Albert sells to accompany his begging. A simple WorldCat search led me to a copy of the book, housed at the University of Washington in Seattle. It had endured.


1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-156
Keyword(s):  
The Dead ◽  

SINCE this paper was submitted for publication a further case relevant to the issue of the sentencing of youthful manslaughter has been reported (R. v. Turrise; Sydney Morning Herald 4.7.1968). In brief, the youth, aged 17 years, was charged with the murder by shooting of his 24-year-old brother. T. had his plea of guilty to manslaughter accepted by the Crown. The evidence indicated that the accused was of good character, and that he had bought a .22 repeating rifle to protect himself from his brother who was a “violent hoodlum who was released from prison a week before his death”. Mr. Justice Allen is reported as saying that “It was tragic to see a schoolboy charged with the murder of his brother”. He said that “in his view the Crown's acceptance of the manslaughter plea was completely appropriate because there was undoubtedly a large element of provocation”. He continued, “the dead man had been described as a hoodlum, a man of violence and probably a psychopath”. Mr. Justice Allen sentenced T. to 3 years gaol, but suspended execution of the sentence on his entering a $500 bond for three years.


1987 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 182-182
Author(s):  
Reynold Higgins

A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4(165) ◽  
pp. 147-158
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Kawałko

The commented ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal concerns the constitutionality of the provision of Article 70(1) of the Family and Guardianship Code, which provided that the time limit for a child to bring an action to deny the paternity of his or her mother’s husband is three years and runs from the moment the child reaches the age of majority, regardless of the child’s know-ledge of his or her biological origin, i.e. regardless of whether the child within that time limit acquired knowledge that he or she did not come from his or her mother’s husband and whether the child could decide to bring an action. The expiry of the three-year period resulted in the expiry of the child’s right to claim the denial of paternity of the mother’s husband and, consequently, precluded the possibility of a positive determination of the paternity of a man other than the mother’s husband. The Constitutional Tribunal found this provision to be inconsistent with Article 30 in conjunction with Article 47 in conjunction with Article 31(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The author agrees with the position expressed by the Constitutional Tribunal in the judgment in question, which in this case provides a basis for consideration of the relationship between the right to know one’s biological origin and the value of stabilising the civil status of a child and persons remaining in an established family relationship with him or her.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-329
Author(s):  
Saifullah bin Anshor ◽  
Rachmat Bin Badani Tempo ◽  
Asri

This study aimed at elaborating and identifying the law and the virtues of funeral prayer, the definition of absentee funeral prayer, the propositions of the inquiry of absentee funeral prayer, scholars’ opinions on the law of absentee funeral prayer, the ruling of absentee funeral prayer, time and distance limit in absentee funeral prayer, and the law of absentee funeral prayer on the victims of natural disasters. This study employed qualitative-descriptive method with normative approach techniques and library research. The result of the study shows that: (1) The law of absentee funeral prayer is permissible on the corpse that is not yet prayed on; (2) The ruling of absentee funeral prayer is the same as the ruling of funeral prayer; (3) There is no time limit for performing absentee funeral prayer on condition that the person dies at the time person who wants to perform prayer has been able to perform prayer; (4) The distance limit of absentee funeral prayer is the distance in which it is difficult to be visited by people who want to perform prayer; (5) The natural disaster victim, if his or her body is not found and is not yet prayed on, then he/she can be prayed on in absentia.


2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 422-425
Author(s):  
Ulrike Roth

Trimalchio's fabulous epitaph, recited in full by Petronius’ colourful host towards the end of the Cena (Sat. 71.12), has long attracted abundant comment. Similarly, allusions to the underworld in much of the decoration leading to and in Trimalchio's dining room have been the object of intense scholarly discussion of the freedman's morbid characterization. In consequence, it is now accepted that epitaph and funereal allusions make for a deliberate mirage of the netherworld – so much so that ‘… Trimalchio's home is in some sense to be regarded as a house of the dead’. As John Bodel has shown, ‘Petronius signalled his intention to portray Trimalchio's home as an underworld earlier in the episode’. Examples for this include the procession from the baths to Trimalchio's house that preceded the banquet (Sat. 28.4–5) – ‘resembling nothing so much as a Roman cortege’, and the wall paintings in the porticus of Trimalchio's house which made Encolpius stop and pause, as Aeneas had done at the Temple of Apollo at Cumae (Sat. 29.1). The example of the pairing of the Cerberus-like watchdog encountered by Encolpius and friends during their escape (Sat. 72.7) and the painted dog in Trimalchio's vestibule that frightened Encolpius upon his arrival (Sat. 29.1) makes it moreover clear that Petronius engaged in some elaborate ring composition concerning Trimalchio's portrayal as a dead man walking. It is surprising, then, that Petronius should have failed to square the circle as regards Trimalchio's epitaph: Sat. 71.12 appears to lack an earlier match – and this despite the fact that a visitor to a Roman tomb might well expect to be informed about the name of the deceased, and perhaps a few other details, at the moment of entering the tomb.


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