Class Inequalities, Elite Patterns, and Transition to Democracy in Latin America

Author(s):  
Diamond Larry ◽  
Linz Juan
1990 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-858
Author(s):  
James Dunkerley

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-327
Author(s):  
Bernard Labatut

Franco's Spain flattered itself as enjoying a preferential relationship with the Arab World, as with Latin America as well - a kind of compensation for Spain's lack of normalization within the international System. With its transition to democracy, Spain's place in the world has been redefined and, consequently, so have its relations in the Mediterranean. This has taken place in a context made difficult by Spain's integration into European and Western institutions, an integration that holsters it but no longer lets it take advantage of its different status. This redefinition has also occurred as Spain faces increased risks of destabilization from countries along the southern shoreline, which pose a very direct security problem for Spain. The policies it has implemented expose the divisions between several kinds of logic. They also reveal the many constraints Spain must face in a region split along different lines and in which it finds itself completely immersed.


Author(s):  
Ramón Pacheco Pardo

Spain’s foreign policy since its transition to democracy has been marked by a high degree of continuity over the years and across governments. Foreign-policy-making structures have remained relatively unchanged at the domestic level, with the president and the Cabinet Office playing a dominant role as a result of the presidentialization of Spanish politics. Domestic structures are complemented by EU-level structures evermore relevant as foreign policy has become increasingly Europeanized. In terms of goals, successive Spanish governments have prioritized Europeanization itself, a strong presence in Latin America and the Mediterranean, and boosting economic opportunities for Spanish businesses. Regarding foreign-policy tools, Spain has long displayed a preference for multilateralism, diplomacy, and soft power over the use of military power. In other words, Spain has prioritized the use of the main tools available to middle powers.


1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lourdes Sola

The recent experiences of transition to democracy in Latin America have taken place in circumstances which suggest a need to rethink the political and social dimensions of inflation. The experience of the 1980s reveals that the once familiar road which led from an inflationary spiral and a rising foreign debt to the collapse of democracy can also be travelled by other types of regime. The crisis of the bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes, Chile apart, reflected an inability to deal with those same focal points of political and economic uncertainty. The sequence which runs from high (or hyper) inflation to political regime change may be neutral, in the sense that it is indifferent to whether the regimes affected are democratic or authoritarian.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Roberta Rice

This study examines the emergence of indigenous movements as powerful new social and political actors in Latin America. Bolivia’s indigenous movement, in particular, stands out for its mobilizational and organizational capacity in uniting diverse sectors of civil society in the struggle against neoliberalism. The study explores the evolution of indigenous movement strategies in Bolivia, beginning from the transition to democracy in the early 1980s until the presidential victory of indigenous leader Evo Morales of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in late 2005. Special attention is paid to the rise of contemporary indigenous-based parties rooted in established social movement organizations as well as the role of the indigenous movement in the Bolivian ‘Water War’ of 2000 and the ‘Gas War’ of 2003. The study contends that the success of Bolivia’s contemporary indigenous movement is largely the result of its two-pronged strategy based on unwavering opposition in both the streets and in parliament and its capacity to combine competing class- and ethnic- based demands.


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