Economic Growth and Stagnation in the United Kingdom before the First World War

Author(s):  
Katherine Byrne

Certainly the most successful period drama, indeed perhaps the most popular television show, of the 21st century, British series Downton Abbey (2010–2015) has become a force to be reckoned with in popular culture. It borrows the format of popular 1970s series Upstairs Downstairs (ITV), following the lives of a fictional Edwardian family and the servants who look after them in the eponymous house. Season 1 opens in 1912 with the sinking of the Titanic, in which the heir to Downton is lost: the plot then follows the family coming to terms with the arrival of the next in line, a middle-class lawyer with a very different view of life from their own. The next five seasons—there are six in total—follow the inhabitants as they cope with the change the 20th century brings, including the First World War; the woman’s movement, which liberates some of the female characters; and the changes in taxation and society, which make the estate increasingly difficult to maintain and run. The last episode is set in 1925, and a film based on the show is due out in 2019. The series was loved by fans both in the United Kingdom and the United States, but received very mixed critical reception. Critics on the left criticized the show for its glossy and nostalgic view of the past, and of interclass relations, linking its ideology to the politics of its writer, Conservative peer Julian Fellowes. Others praised its positive view of human nature and escapist charm, at a time when austerity was making itself felt in the United Kingdom. Either way, it undoubtedly rekindled viewers’ appetite for period drama on a scale not seen since the 1970s, and has also stirred up debate about the part played by television in representing, accessing, and understanding the past.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 109-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Kattan

The Sykes-Picot agreement is the foremost example of Western double-dealing in the Middle East since the discovery of oil. The agreement, formalized in an exchange of notes between the British Foreign Secretary and the French Ambassador to the United Kingdom in London, is named after its principal negotiators Sir Mark Sykes (1879-1919) and Georges-Picot (1870-1951). As one of several overlapping arrangements affecting the postwar settlement in West Asia secretly negotiated during the First World War, the agreement provided for the division of the region into spheres of influence comprised of nominally independent Arab states under the “tutelage” of British and French advisers.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-218
Author(s):  
Zelman Cowen

There is an old adage that beauty lies in the eye of the beholder. It is certain that the beauty, the utility, and the significance of the Commonwealth association appear very differently to its various members. This was true of the pre-war Commonwealth: between the end of the first world war and the beginning of the second there were marked differences of attitude among the members. The central problem was seen as the definition of the relationship between the United Kingdom and what were then described as the self-governing dominions. To South Africa, the Irish Free State, and Canada—in varying degrees—it was important that the relationship should be spelled out in terms which assured, so far as was possible through the medium of statute and the articulation of conventional rules, a status of equality between the United Kingdom and the dominions. To Australia and New Zealand the attempt at such a definition appeared undesirable; quieta non movere seemed to them the counsel of wisdom.


2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (Supplement_5) ◽  
pp. S385-S387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Gradmann ◽  
Mark Harrison ◽  
Anne Rasmussen

Abstract Background In the decades following the discovery of the bacillus causing typhoid, in 1880, understanding of the disease formerly known as enteric fever was transformed, offering new possibilities for prevention. Gradually, measures that aimed to prevent infection from human carriers were developed, as were inoculations designed to confer immunity against typhoid and paratyphoid fevers. These were initially introduced in European armies that were regularly ravaged by typhoid, especially garrisons stationed in the colonies. This article reviews the research undertaken in the armed forces and the measures that they implemented in the years up to and during the First World War. Methods The article is based on an analytical review of scientific literature from the early 19th century, focusing on the United Kingdom, Germany, and France. Results The armies of the United Kingdom, Germany, and France undertook important work on the transmission of typhoid in the years between 1890 and 1918. Many preventive measures were introduced to deal with the spread of typhoid but these varied between the 3 countries, depending largely on their political traditions. Inoculation was particularly successful in preventing typhoid and greatly reduced the number of casualties from this disease during the First World War. Despite this, it proved difficult to prevent paratyphoid infection, and debates continued over which vaccines to use and whether or not immunization should be voluntary. Conclusions By the end of the First World War, the value of inoculation in preventing the spread of typhoid had been proven. Its successful implementation demonstrates the importance of vaccination as a public health intervention during times of conflict and social upheaval.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (52) ◽  
pp. 136-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogério Justino ◽  
Décio Gatti Júnior

Abstract This paper communicates the results of research in the area of the History of School Subjects, the object of which is the way the theme of the First World War has been depicted in textbooks used in Brazil and abroad. A premise of this study is that textbooks are important tools in school life, contributing to the vision students have of the world. As such, five different textbooks used in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and the United Kingdom were analyzed. It was observed that there was predominance of a narrative based on the explanatory triad - antecedents, development, and consequences; emphasis on an androcentric discourse, backed up with great names and deeds, with a Eurocentric bias; and dissonance in the interpretations made in the books analyzed, and only in the British book did the conflict occur as a result of an accident.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Tom Williams

In March 1911, John Redmond published a newspaper article praising the German Empire as ‘the most convincing proof of the triumph of federalism’. While foreign and colonial analogies – ranging from Canada and the United States to Switzerland and Austria-Hungary – had been a regular feature in debates on Irish Home Rule since the 1870s, Redmond’s whole-hearted expression of admiration for constitutional arrangements in Imperial Germany came as a surprise to many contemporaries. Yet it bears witness to a renewed interest in German federalism among Irish nationalists following the granting of ‘Home Rule’ to Alsace-Lorraine in 1911, a development that generated regular comparisons with Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom during the Home Rule crisis of 1912-1914. By exploring the frequent and contested parallels drawn between Ireland (or in some cases Ulster) and Alsace-Lorraine by both unionists and nationalists during this period, this article not only highlights the ambiguities and complexities of Irish views of Germany on the eve of the First World War but also reveals the multiple ways in which the debate on Home Rule, and on federalism within the United Kingdom more generally, were influenced by wider European developments during this period of rising domestic and international tension.


1980 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
P. E. Dewey

Historians are in general agreement on the problem of United Kingdom food supplies during the First World War. The broad picture is as follows; during the first eighteen months or so of the war, supplies both from home and abroad were well maintained. The government therefore had no need to intervene, either in procuring or distributing food, although it took certain measures to safeguard future supplies for the Army. During 1916, however, the position changed; there had been poor harvests both in the United Kingdom and the Americas (the chief source of imported food), and the German High Command were known to be planning a new, ‘unlimited’ submarine campaign, with the aim of sinking as much shipping as possible (whether British or neutral), in order to drastically curtail imports of food and war material, and thus force a British surrender.


2010 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Macleod

This article seeks to explore the controversy surrounding the Scottish National War Memorial. It analyses the arguments over the design of the memorial and its impact on Edinburgh Castle. The criticisms by Lord Rosebery and others of the design proposed by Robert Lorimer are dealt with in detail. The campaign by the Duke of Atholl to raise money for the memorial is scrutinised and the difficulties in securing donations at a time when there were many simultaneous attempts to raise money for local and institutional memorials is discussed. The article attempts to relate this material to the wider literature on war memorials in the period immediately following the First World War. The main theme of the article is to note the way in which the memorial at the Castle came to be accepted as a ‘national’ memorial and how this process relates to the formation and maintenance of Scottish national identity in the 1920s. As highlighted by comparison with the other national memorials, the Scottish National War Memorial ultimately serves to show the unity of the Scottish nation and the ongoing strength of its martial tradition, a means by which Scotland could express a distinctive identity whilst remaining securely within the United Kingdom.


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