The Political “Making” of the National Bourgeoisie

2021 ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Francisco Durand
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Gunay N. Qafarova ◽  

The history of museums in Azerbaijan is only a hundred years old, but the path traveled over the years has been very difficult. The development of museums was directly affected by the political course of the Soviet country. Museums were supposed to reflect the politics and ideology of the country, and everything that did not correspond to this was gathering dust in storage or even worse destroyed. The names of the owners of the collections were not mentioned in any public publication. Their names preserved only the basic documents of museums, acts and books of receipts, which were available to a very narrow circle of people. Often, collections mercilessly broken into small groups and transferred to various museums in the country. Namely, the property of many representatives of the national bourgeoisie enriched our museums. Nevertheless, in the first years of Soviet power, the museums created in Azerbaijan managed to assemble a rich collection, despite the obvious distortions in the reflection of historical truth. It was these works that formed the basis of the collections of modern National Museums, and, of course, the Azgosmuzey laid their foundation. It was the first museum to systematically and consistently assemble a collection. Azgosmuzey organized expeditions and conducted archaeological excavations. Excavations on the territory of Azerbaijan have always been carried out officially and unofficially, unfortunately, many discovered artifacts were exported outside of our country, but after the establishment of Soviet power, the situation in this area changed somewhat, and it should be noted for the better. On the initiative of the museum’s management, various exhibits were transferred to our museums from Moscow, and then from Leningrad, enriching the repositories of Western European and Russian art. Many materials cited in the article are not known to a wide circle of researchers.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Bayo Ogunjimi

Right from the period of colonialism the herd or cult of the national bourgeoisie has been consistent in its chicanery of reifying, alienating and approximating the social existence of the peasants, the working class and other oppressed social strata. They operate the political culture from various levels of fetishisms as politicians, businessmen, professionals, religious prelates, feudal oligarchies and cultic forces. Set against the masses is the conglomerate of the class referred to by Wole Soyinka as the “self-consolidating regurgitative lumpen Mafiadom of the military, the old politicians and business enterprises” (The Man Died, London, Andre Deutsche Ltd., 1972, p. 181). This class consists of those that Frantz Fanon refers to as the conduit pipes and errand boys of international monopoly capital.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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