Verbs, strong verbs, minor series

Author(s):  
Hinchliffe Ian ◽  
Holmes Philip
Keyword(s):  
2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torben Juel Jensen ◽  
Marie Maegaard

The article presents a real-time study of standardization and regionalization processes with respect to the use of past participles of strong verbs in the western part of Denmark. Analyses of a large corpus of recordings of informants from two localities show that the use of the dialectalenform of the past participle suffix has been in decline during the last 30 years. Theenforms are replaced by three other forms, one of which is (partly) dialectal, one regional and one standard Danish. The study indicates that a regionalization process has taken place prior to the time period studied, but that it has now been overtaken by a Copenhagen-based standardization process. The study also shows interesting differences between the two localities, arguably due to the geographical location and size, and to the status of the different participle forms in the traditional local dialects.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Abdul Aziz Roslina ◽  
Zuraidah Mohd Don

This study investigates a syntactic problem in the writing of ESL learners whose first language is Bahasa Melayu or Malay. It focuses specifically on is, are, was, and were overgenerated with inflected and uninflected lexical verbs to form two primary constructions, namely be + V and be + Ved (or Ven in the case of strong verbs). This study aims to examine the patterns of be overgeneration constructions produced by the learners and determine if these are the outcome of tense and agreement marking, as postulated by Ionin and Wexler (2001, 2002). The data for the study were obtained from the Malaysian Corpus of Learner English (MACLE), a learner corpus developed by the University of Malaya. The findings reveal that uninflected verbs occur more frequently than inflected verbs in the position after be, which translates into higher occurrences of the be + bare V construction in comparison to the be + Ved construction. Both constructions are also found to occur more frequently with transitive verbs. The findings suggest that (i) the overgeneration of be + bare V is the result of agreement marking, while (ii) be + Ved is the outcome of assigning the tense feature. These findings suggest that the overgeneration of be constructions produced by L1-Malay ESL learners could be the product of a developmental aspect of language acquisition. This traces back to the system underlying the patterns of overgeneration, which is clearly made up of non-random constructions governed by very specific interlanguage grammar.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Junyu Ruan

Strong verbs in Middle High German (MHG) have two past indicative stems in the verb inflectional paradigm, which merged into one in Modern High German (NHG). This change is mostly assumed as paradigmatic leveling in previous studies. However, the NHG past indicative stems are inherited from different cells in the MHG paradigm across different inflectional classes, or even innovatively created by combining different parts of the MHG past indicative stems. This paper attempts to identify the base of leveling using a computational model called Minimal Generalization Learner, proposed in Albright (2002b). The results can account for the extraordinary patterns of merger found in German to some extent, but they are not perfect and even pose new problems. As a counter-proposal, I argue that the merger that appears to be paradigmatic leveling might be triggered by reanalysis of phonological features as morphological exponents.


2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 737-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wim Zonneveld

This article examines the arguments for, and rejects, the proposal by Ackema and Neeleman (2003) that the behavior of the Dutch 2nd person singular pronoun jij in inverted structures should be explained as morphosyntactic allomorphy, conditioned by “initial” prosodic phrasing prior to Spell-Out. First, by neutralizing (under inversion) the distinction between 2sg. and 1sg. present tense verb forms, the proposal makes an incorrect prediction for a well-known class of “strong” verbs. Second, “initial” prosody does not appear to condition the process. Benmamoun and Lorimer's (2006) “overapplication” data for this phenomenon are shown to result from an incorrect interpretation of “d-weakening” verbs.


1909 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-452
Author(s):  
Francis A. Wood
Keyword(s):  

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