Dutch 2nd Singular Prosodic Weakening: Two Rejoinders

2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 737-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wim Zonneveld

This article examines the arguments for, and rejects, the proposal by Ackema and Neeleman (2003) that the behavior of the Dutch 2nd person singular pronoun jij in inverted structures should be explained as morphosyntactic allomorphy, conditioned by “initial” prosodic phrasing prior to Spell-Out. First, by neutralizing (under inversion) the distinction between 2sg. and 1sg. present tense verb forms, the proposal makes an incorrect prediction for a well-known class of “strong” verbs. Second, “initial” prosody does not appear to condition the process. Benmamoun and Lorimer's (2006) “overapplication” data for this phenomenon are shown to result from an incorrect interpretation of “d-weakening” verbs.

Author(s):  
Andriy Botsman ◽  
Olga Dmytruk ◽  
Tamara Kozlovska

The stages that encompass the future tense development are singled out as discrete phenomena within the process of the Germanic language development. The Gothic verb system can serve as the background for the investigation of the tense transformations in question. The difficulties of tense examination in the Old Germanic languages were connected with some conceptions about the Indo-Iranian and Greek languages that used to dominate in the scientific circles for a long time. Those conceptions were based on Latin and Greek patterns and postulated the use of present, past and future tenses in all Indo-European languages. The above conceptions were ruined when the study of Tokharian and Hittite demonstrated the use of the present tense for the description of future actions. The idea of losing “the protolanguage inheritance” was proved wrong, and it was incorrect to transfer the complex tense system of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin to other Proto-Indo-European languages. The examination of the tense differentiation in Gothic (as the main source of the Old Germanic language) demonstrates that the Gothic infinitive functioned as a no-particular-time unit, while personal verb forms were involved in performing tense functions. The Gothic present tense verbs represented present and future tenses and no-particular-time phenomena. Some periphrastic forms containing preterite-present verbs with the infinitive occurred sporadically. The periphrastic forms correlated with Greek and Latin patterns of the same future tense meaning. The periphrastic future forms in Gothic often contained some modal shades of meaning. The Gothic present tense functioned as a colony-forming archi-unit and a pluripotential (temporal) precursor. The periphrastic Gothic future forms are recognised as a monopotential (temporal) precursor with some modal meaning. The key research method used in the present article is the comparative historical method. The authors viewed it as the most reliable and appropriate for the study of tense forms.


1979 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. K. Sprigg
Keyword(s):  
The Past ◽  

Tibetan orthography looks phonetically challenging, to say the least; and one may well wonder whether such tongue-twisting combinations as the brj of brjes, the blt- of bltas, or the bst- of bstan ever did twist a Tibetan tongue, or whether the significance of these and other such orthographic forms might not have been morphophonemic in origin, with the letters r, l, and s in the syllable initial of forms such as these serving to associate these past-tense forms lexically with their corresponding present-tense forms; e.g. Viewed in relation to Tibetan orthography the past-tense forms of a class of verbs in the Golok dialect seem to support this hypothesis. Table 1, below, contains a number of examples of Golok verbs in their past-tense and present-tense forms to illustrate a type of phonological analysis suited to that view of the r syllable-initial unit in the Golok examples, and, indirectly, in the WT examples too (the symbols b and b will be accounted for in section (B) below).


Author(s):  
Olga N. Morozova ◽  
◽  
Svetlana V. Androsova ◽  

Imperative sentences in Evenki and Orochon are undoubtedly a challenging issue of their grammar and phonetics. The aspects, on which researchers' opinions diverge, include grammar tense, neutral and inverted word order and prosodic arrangement of the sentences. It is the only type of sentences with the verb in sentences-initial position. Among 14 imperative verb forms (they change in 2 tenses with varying names, 3 persons and 2 numbers; some of them have inclusive and exclusive forms), 2nd-person forms in the Present Tense are characterized by the highest frequency of occurrence. This paper reports the results of an acoustic study of pitch movement in Evenki and Orochon imperative sentences depending on the number of words, syllables and the word order. The following results were obtained. In the Evenki material, two- and three-word syntagmas were characterized mostly by rise-fall pitch pattern while one-word syntagmas could have both rise-fall and fall patterns. Four-syllable-one word syntagmas' pattern was pitch declination while two- and three-syllable-one-word syntagmas could have both rise-fall and declination patterns with similar frequency of occurrence...


Hispania ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
William W. Cressey
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike Gut

This study is concerned with the occasional lack of verbal past tense marking in Singapore English, which has been described both as evidence for morphological change and as a phonological consequence of final plosive deletion. Based on a corpus of spoken educated Singapore English, it is investigated whether the lack of past tense marking in verbs in a past tense context is due primarily to morphological or phonological factors and whether word frequency influences the rate of past tense marking. The results are interpreted as evidence for a phonological basis of most unmarked verb forms in Singapore English and suggest a shift in the function of the present tense. They further imply that past tense marking in Singapore English varies with sociolinguistic factors.


1970 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-199
Author(s):  
J. C. Wright

The view expressed by J. Avery in 1885 that the Vedic ‘unaugmented verb-forms’, commonly styled ‘injunctives’, could be used in a present sense, as well as the preterite and modal senses confirmed by later usage, has had serious consequences. Firstly, the standard translations of the Rgveda and Avestan Gathas make use of this licence with a degree of arbitrariness and uncertainty which recalls the hit-or-miss tactics of Sanskrit and Pahlavi commentators with regard to verbal forms in general. Secondly, the description of the Vedic verbal system has become unmercifully complicated by the consequent imputation to the IE parent language and then to Vedic and Gathic themselves of a twofold verbal system embodying both tense–mood paradigms and paradigms which are at most faintly aspectual. A key role in the development of this theory, which postulates a grammatical structure and an impotence to convey specific meaning virtually without parallel, fell to L. Renou whose article ‘Les formes dites d'injonctif dans le Rgveda ‘(Étrennes de linguistique offertes far quelques amis à Émile Benveniste, Paris, 1928, 63–80, referred to below as R.), is still quoted with approval at the present day. I propose here to show that this article can no longer be considered to offer any confirmation of the view that the unaugmented verb-forms can fulfil the role of a present tense and must therefore be indifferent as regards tense.


Lipar ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (75) ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Arsenije Sretković ◽  

This paper deals with verb forms in the poems The Marriage of Bey Ljubović and Zirka Kajovića from the stylistic and syntactic standpoint. The analysis procedure includes a syntactic indicative, a syntactic relative, qualifier, gnome form, narrative form, and absolute. In addition, referentiality and non-referentiality of verb forms are considered. Bearing in mind that verb forms are most often combined, the stylistic effects of combinations of verb forms are considered. This paper aims to determine the inventory of verb forms and describe their syntactic and stylistic features. The analysis showed that a rich inventory of verb forms could be found in Radovan Bećirović’s poems. Simple Past Tense, Truncated Perfect, imperfect, aorist, and temporally transposed Present Tense denote the past. In both poems, the future is expressed by the future one, and apart from it, in the poem The Marriage of Bey Ljubović, a futuroid is found. The present is realized in a syntactic indicative, and, additionally, it is found as a qualifying, gnomic, and narrative present, of which it is most often used as a narrative. Examples of presentations with modal meanings are not uncommon. In terms of referentiality, present forms in poems denote referential and non-referential actions. The infinitive is found as a complement to modal or phase verbs and is also used in the absolute. The past is realized in the syntactic indicative and the syntactic relative and denotes referential and non-referential actions. The aorist is a high-frequency verb form in the poem The Marriage of Bey Ljubović and is used in most cases as a narrative. The imperfect is realized in syntactic relative and suggests referential and non-referential actions. The Future Simple Tense is found in the syntactic relative, then the absolute, and with modal meanings, i.e., the meaning of intention, commandments, possibilities, etc. While the use of the Future Simple is linked to the heroes’ discourses, the futuroid appears in the narrative discourse. Except in the function of Future Simple, futuroid is found in gnome use. The pre- sent, the aorist, the imperfect, and the truncated perfect are forms whose stylistic features contribute to the topicality, experience, dynamism, and drama of the events being reported.


Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.51 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Borik ◽  
Paz González ◽  
Henk Verkuyl

A way of improving on the description of the English tense system in Reichenbach [1947] is achieved by changing its matrix 3x3 design into a 2x2x2 set up, formed by 3 basic oppositions: <ol> <li>present vs. past</li> <li>synchronous vs. posterior</li> <li>incompleted vs. completed action</li> </ol> The advantages of the binary system over the Reichenbachian ternary system are the following: <ol> <li>the binary system is completely compositional;</li> <li>there is no tripartition between Past, Present and Future, but only the basic opposition between Past and Present remains. As we intend to show later, this is empirically supported by the Russian and Polish data;</li> <li>some concrete problems, for instance, the ambiguity of past perfect with temporal adverbials or more then one configuration for the same tense form [Future Perfect [will have written] or Past Future tense [would write]] do not arise.</li> </ol> The binary system can be naturally extended to apply for the tense systems of different groups of languages. Along with Germanic, we will consider two more groups of languages: Romance [e.g., French and Spanish] and Slavic [e.g., Russian and Polish]. The binary system, we will show, has the potential to be extended in order to capture the Romance data or shrunk to account for the Slavic data. The connection between tense and aspect, especially in Slavic languages is also described in this paper. Both temporal and aspectual differences in Slavic can be essentially captured by the same mechanism provided by the binary system. Some empirical facts, like, for instance, the absence of the present tense interpretation with perfective verb forms, will fall out naturally.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-312
Author(s):  
Margherita Pallottino

This paper describes the distribution and the selectional properties of perfective and imperfective verb forms in Tunisian Arabic. While perfective predicates are finite forms and always undergo movement out of the VP domain, imperfective predicates acts less consistently as a unified class and, in some contexts, do not undergo movement to negation showing a behavior that reminds this of non-finite forms. Moreover, when the imperfective verb does not undergo movement, an additional structural layer headed by the preposition “fi” is introduced above the direct object. I propose that in this configuration the imperfective predicate is the non-finite element of a periphrastic construction whose other component is a null auxiliary with present tense reference. On the one side this construction affects the aspectual interpretation of the event; on the other, it affects the predicate’s ability to assign accusative Case to its object. As for the contexts where the imperfective predicate undergoes movement, I propose that their interpretation relies on a Generic Operator that provides an aspectual frame over which the predicate is interpreted.


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