scholarly journals The wrong kind of working-class woman? Domestic servants in the British Suffrage Movement

Author(s):  
Laura Schwartz
Author(s):  
George Moore

I daresay I shall get through my trouble somehow.’ Esther Waters is a young, working-class woman with strong religious beliefs who takes a position as a kitchen-maid at a horse-racing estate. She is seduced and abandoned, and forced to support herself and her illegitimate child in any way that she can. The novel depicts with extraordinary candour Esther's struggles against prejudice and injustice, and the growth of her character as she determines to protect her son. Her moving story is set against the backdrop of a world of horse racing, betting, and public houses, whose vivid depiction led James Joyce to call Esther Waters ‘the best novel of modern English life’. Controversial and influential on its first appearance in 1894, the book opened up a new direction for the English realist tradition. Unflinching in its depiction of the dark and sordid side of Victorian culture, it remains one of the great novels of London life and labour in the 1890s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

Abstract This article argues that an analysis of Annie Kenney’s public representation and private relationships offers a new way of evaluating how class was understood, experienced, and negotiated within the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). Annie Kenney was a well-known suffrage activist from Lancashire, usually described as the only working-class woman to achieve prominence in the organization. This article analyses how the WSPU initially made much of Annie Kenney’s social origins, attracting significant press attention. However, it also demonstrates that their assumption that she could effectively speak for all working-class women was problematic, since it assumed a homogeneity of working-class experience. As the WSPU shifted its focus to recruiting more middle-class women, it sought instead to celebrate Annie Kenney’s commitment to the cause. Ironically, she was often more effective in building relationships with wealthier women, forming substitute families that provided significant support and benefits. Yet though the depth of these relationships was extraordinary in the context of contemporary class relations, they remained exceptional rather than typical. This article thus develops the work of scholars including Sandra Stanley Holton, Sue Thomas, and Laura Schwartz, who have analysed how class fragmented and shaped the women’s movement. It demonstrates that the significance of class within the WSPU was fluid and shifting rather than fixed and static and indicates both the potential for, and barriers to, meaningful and lasting cross-class collaboration.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

“Disrupting the Fantasy: Adorno and the Working-Class Woman” exposes Adorno’s identity thinking in his figurations of the “working-class woman.” The forms in which she appears in Adorno’s texts (the phallic, castrating, and castrated woman) correspond to the three dimensions (the imaginary, the symbolic, and the real) through which Lacan mapped his thought. In all of these forms she advances to object petit a (Lacan)—the unconscious fantasy object that promises to cover up the fears and desires that non-wholeness incites. That the thinker of non-identity reinforces identity thinking exposes some of the challenges to realizing the idea of a (feminist) political subject-in-outline. For such a subject to be able to transform the status quo and remain inclusive, it must deal with the (unconscious) desires and fears the remaining-with-holes incites.


2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 151-160
Author(s):  
Elaine Elinson

This essay describes the efforts of Selina Solomons, a San Francisco suffragist, and her perspectives on two California suffrage campaigns, the failed 1896 effort and the success in 1911. Born to a distinguished Jewish family that had fallen on hard times, Solomons felt the suffrage movement was hindered by its reliance on elite society women. She organized the Votes for Women Club and took bold public action to bring working-class women into the movement and to secure the votes of immigrant and laboring men.


Author(s):  
Anna Clark

Between the 1870s and 1914, there was no occupation with a higher proportion of women workers than domestic service. Female servants, however, faced the problem that many working-class people, including most socialists and trade unionists, did not see them as members of the working class. Refusing to take for granted the servants' proverbial deference and lack of class-consciousness, this chapter examines the numerous ways in which domestic servants tried to overcome the barrier separating them from the organised labour movement. Servants were not as isolated as one might think from other working-class people. Physical proximity with employers could actually fuel class resentment, and in comparing themselves to animals, slaves and machines, the servants signaled their commonality with the rest of the working class. The chapter also focuses on some of the servants' attempts to form unions of their own, in particular in Dundee and London. Through their obstinacy servants eventually gained inclusion in workers’ compensation and health insurance legislation between 1906 and 1913. This study of a long-neglected branch of the British proletariat suggests that the working class cannot be understood only in terms of industrial wage labourers and conventional trade union organisation.


1990 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 46-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Hart

In a 1982 review article, Theda Skocpol asks the question, “What makes peasants revolutionary?” She analyzes the conclusions of authors who endeavor to explain what leads peasants—a stereotypically powerless group—to engage in collective action that challenges the economic or political status quo. The above example suggests a useful paraphrase of the question: was Stathoula's case exceptional, and if not, what made a Greek working-class woman during the 1940s revolutionary?


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