A Letter to Edmund Burke, Esq; Controverting the Principles of American Government, Laid down in his lately published Speech on American Taxation, Delivered in the House of Commons

Author(s):  
Steven Sarson ◽  
Jack P. Greene
1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Warren E. Miller ◽  
Donald E. Stokes

Substantial constituency influence over the lower house of Congress is commonly thought to be both a normative principle and a factual truth of American government. From their draft constitution we may assume the Founding Fathers expected it, and many political scientists feel, regretfully, that the Framers' wish has come all too true. Nevertheless, much of the evidence of constituency control rests on inference. The fact that our House of Representatives, especially by comparison with the House of Commons, has irregular party voting does not of itself indicate that Congressmen deviate from party in response to local pressure. And even more, the fact that many Congressmen feel pressure from home does not of itself establish that the local constituency is performing any of the acts that a reasonable definition of control would imply.Control by the local constituency is at one pole of both the great normative controversies about representation that have arisen in modern times. It is generally recognized that constituency control is opposite to the conception of representation associated with Edmund Burke. Burke wanted the representative to serve the constituency's interest but not its will, and the extent to which the representative should be compelled by electoral sanctions to follow the “mandate” of his constituents has been at the heart of the ensuing controversy as it has continued for a century and a half.


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 657-701
Author(s):  
Neil L. York

So contended Edmund Burke in the House of Commons, during a May 1770 speech that ridiculed the government's American policy. It was not the first time Burke raised the subject of this 1543 statute. He had asked—rhetorically—during debates two weeks before, “The Act of Henry VIII. Did you mean to execute that?” He then answered his own question, the scorn beneath it probably apparent to all. “You showed your ill will to America, at the same time you dared not execute it.” Burke hoped that by shaming the ministry he might be able to push through a set of resolutions condemning its policies, which could open the way for a new approach to imperial management. He failed, but that did not mean he had been wrong about the futility of threatening to resurrect an old statute to intimidate protesting Americans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Romuald Rydz

1 listopada 1790 r. w Londynie został opublikowany jeden z najważniejszych tek­stów osiemnastowiecznej brytyjskiej myśli politycznej. Autorem dzieła znanego pod skróconym ty­tułem jako Rozważania o rewolucji we Francji był Edmund Burke — jeden z najbardziej znanych wigowskich posłów zasiadających w Izbie Gmin. Choć Burke w Rozważaniach występował przede wszystkim jako obrońca brytyjskiego porządku i zwyczaju politycznego, to zarówno w tym dziele, jak i wielu następnych tekstach można zauważyć, że przedmiotem jego troski była także wspólnota europejska. Wydaje się, że autor Rozważań jako je­den z pierwszych przedstawicieli ówczesnego świata polityki dostrzegł w rewolucyjnej gorączce roz­przestrzeniającej się z Paryża groźbę dla całej Europy. Owo niebezpieczeństwo Burke porównywał, z jednej strony, do fali barbarzyństwa, która zalała Rzym i zniszczyła cywilizację antyczną w okresie wędrówki ludów, z drugiej zaś — przypisywał mu cechy rewolucji religijnej, podobnej do tej, któ-ra podzieliła kontynent w XVI i XVII stuleciu. Było to więc w jego opinii podwójne zagrożenie, które mogło zniszczyć zarówno podstawy materialne Europy, jak i jej kościec kulturowy.A counter-revolutionary idea of Europe. Edmund Burke’s reflections on European identityOn 1st November 1790, one of the most important texts of the 18th century British political thought was published in London. The author of the work, known under the shortened title as Reflections on the Revolution in France, was Edmund Burke, one of the best-known Whigs sitting in the House of Commons. Although in Reflections Burke was above all a defender of the British order and political custom, it can be noticed, both in this work and many subsequent texts, that he was also concerned for Euro­pean community. It seems that the author of Reflections was among the first representatives of the world of politics at that time who viewed the revolutionary fever that was spreading from Paris as a threat to the whole Europe. Burke compared this danger, on the one hand, to the Barbarian wave that had flooded Rome and destroyed the antique civilisation in the Migrations Period, while on the other hand he ascribed it characteristics of a religious revolution, similar to the one that divided the continent in the 16th and 17th centuries. Thus, it was, in his opinion, a double threat. It could destroy both the material foundations of Europe and its cultural core.


Author(s):  
P. J. Marshall

Many people in later eighteenth-century Britain, varying from rich merchants and absentee planters to workers on ships or in manufactures serving the islands, had concerns with the West Indies. In leading ports like London, Bristol, and Liverpool, West Indians organized themselves into associations to promote their interests. Such people sought to influence government and to act as a group in the House of Commons. Such influence as they were able to exert depended principally on the persuasive case that they were able to establish about the importance for Britain of the wealth generated by the West Indies. Edmund Burke and his political connection, the Rockingham Whigs, were firmly committed to this view and sought to enlist British West Indians as their political allies.


IJOHMN ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
V. Padmanaban

This work is a study on the works of Elizabeth Cook-Lynn who is proficient scholar and hails from South Dakotas and Sioux nations and their turmoil, anguish and lamentation to retrieve their lands and preserve their culture and race. Many a aboriginals were killed in the post colonization. Elizabeth Cook-Lynn grieves and her lamentation for the people of Dakotas yields sympathy towards the survived at Wounded Knee massacre and the great exploitation of the livelihood of the indigenous people and the cruelty of American Federal government. Treaty conserved indigenous lands had been lost due to the title of Sioux Nation and many Dakotas and Dakotas had been forced off from their homelands due to the anti-Indian legislation, poverty and federal Indian – white American policy. The whites had no more regard for or perceiving the native’s peoples’ culture and political status as considered by Jefferson’s epoch. And to collect bones and Indian words, delayed justice all these issues tempt her to write. The authors accuses that America was in ignorance and racism and imperialism which was prevalent in the westward movement. The natives want to recall their struggles, and their futures filled with uncertainty by the reality and losses by the white and Indian life in America which had undergone deliberate diminishment by the American government sparks the writer to back for the indigenous peoples. This multifaceted study links American study with Native American studies. This research brings to highlight the unchangeable scenario of the Native American who is in the bonds of as American further this research scrutinizes Elizabeth’s diplomacy and legalized decolonization theory which reflects in her literature career and her works but defies to her own doctrines.


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