Brexit and the Belfast Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 53-71
Author(s):  
Paul Teague
Keyword(s):  
Belfast Agreement

The US and Brokering Republican Moderation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
Fair Representation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
British State

This chapter argues that in order for moderation through institutional inclusion to take full hold, it was necessary for the US to act as a powerful external broker throughout the negotiations of the Belfast Agreement and during the consolidation of republican moderation. This brokering was short and targeted, not of relevance in the early stages of republican moderation and only mattered during the formal peace process phase and its implementation. The US provided a series of credible guarantees to republicans that their interests would be protected and given fair representation when entering a bargain with the more powerful British state. It also provided a series of incentives (funding, investment, access to powerful allies) and disincentives (the threat of removing the incentives, political marginalisation) that encouraged republicans to increase their engagement. This was important not only in persuading republicans to sign the Belfast Agreement in 1998 but also in persuading the IRA to eventually decommission its weapons some seven years later.

The mental health impact of the Troubles, 1969–1999

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bolton
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Health Impact ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Good Friday Agreement ◽  
The Impact

This Chapter is the first of two that describe efforts to understand the mental health and related impacts of the conflict in Northern Ireland, often referred to as The Troubles. The Chapter covers the period from the outbreak of violence in the late 1960’s up until the period around the peace accord, the Belfast Agreement (or Good Friday Agreement) of April 1998. The early studies reveal little, if any, major effects on the wellbeing and mental health of the population, but as the years go by, evidence starts to build of the impact of the violence, particularly as the ceasefires of the early and mid 1990’s take hold. The developing understanding of the impact was due in part to the evolution of methods and approaches being used by researchers - which is discussed in more detail at the end of Chapter 5.

Wales and Northern Ireland

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Freedom Of Information Act ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Chapter 24 explains how the Freedom of Information Act 2000 applies to Wales and Northern Ireland. It describes the scheme of devolution for Wales with the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Government and the way legislative power has been increased by the Government of Wales Act 2006 and how a reserved powers model of devolution has been agreed in a Command Paper Powers for a purpose: Towards a lasting devolution settlement for Wales. Next, the way freedom of information works in Wales is considered. The chapter then describes the scheme of devolution for Northern Ireland established following the Belfast Agreement on Friday 10 April 1998, including the Northern Ireland Assembly and the National Ireland Executive structured to ensure power-sharing and inclusivity. Section 88(2) of the 2000 Act states that the Act extends to Northern Ireland. Finally, the specific references to Northern Ireland in the 2000 Act are considered.

Identity on Parade in Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 24-50
Author(s):  
Jonathan S. Blake
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The Past ◽  
Marching Bands ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Orange Order

This chapter introduces the history and political context of loyalist parades in Northern Ireland. It traces how parades have changed over the past two centuries in response to shifting political conditions. The chapter then shows how parades influence and are influenced by politics in the post–Good Friday/Belfast Agreement era. In the discussion of contemporary parading, the chapter presents data on the number of parades, paraders, and spectators, which demonstrate the prominence of the movement in Protestant society. It also describes the major parading organizations, including the Orange Order, the other loyal orders, and marching bands, and explains the main sources of disputes between Protestants and Catholics over parades.

Language and Cultural Politics in Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-172
Author(s):  
Ronnie Moore
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Irish Context ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Regional Or Minority Languages

This paper presents an outline of the circumstances surrounding the current political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It considers the role of language as a key justification for the unravelling of the complex political arrangements formulated by The Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The discussion begins by problematizing the notions of “identity” and “minority” in the Irish / Northern Irish context as an important backdrop and within the framework of the European commitment to, and Charter for, Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). In particular it looks at historical memory, constructed history, ideology and notions of nationalism, as well as the role of politics and manipulation of language.

scholarly journals A Charter of Rights for the Island of Ireland: An Unknown Quantity in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement

2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-835 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Egan ◽  
Rachel Murray
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unknown Quantity ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Legal Document ◽  
Legal Difficulties ◽  
Final Agreement ◽  
Political Settlement

AbstractThe basic aim of the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement was to try to achieve a political settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. While the channels for the settlement were to be primarily institutional, the importance of safeguarding the rights of both communities in Northern Ireland by addressing equality and justice issues was recognized, to varying degrees, by all parties to the process that led to the drafting of the Agreement. As the negotiations progressed, the human rights section of the Agreement grew exponentially, moving ‘from the margins to the mainstream’ so that the final Agreement contains a whole section on human rights protections. Not only have these particular elements of the Agreement come to fruition, but they also have received a considerable amount of public and political interest as well as academic comment and analysis. Buried within the human rights chapter, however, is a concept that has so far received minimal interest or enthusiasm from any quarter. That is the reference in paragraph 10 of the ‘Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity’ chapter to the possibility of establishing an all-island Charter of Rights.The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it traces the genesis of the Charter of Rights concept through to its inclusion in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement; secondly, it examines the approach thus far taken by the Joint Committee of the two human rights commissions to the task entrusted to them in relation to the Charter by the Agreement; and finally, it explores some of the issues that need to be considered and the challenges faced by that Committee in future efforts to assist in the construction of any such Charter. In so doing, it describes the political and legal difficulties faced in attempts not only to formulate agreement on human rights but also to create a legal document which may be applicable to two jurisdictions. It concludes by suggesting ways in which the project may be progressed.

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