Beyond Reassurance: The Reputational Effect of Cultural Reforms in Peace Agreements

We explore whether including cultural reforms in an intra-state peace accord facilitates its success. We distinguish between accommodationist and integrationist cultural provisions and employ a mixed research method combining negative binomial regression on a data set of all intra-state political agreements concluded between 1989 and 2017, and an in-depth analysis of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement for Northern Ireland. We recognize the important reassuring effect of accommodationist cultural reforms in separatist conflicts. However, we also find that they have an important and hitherto overlooked reputational effect across all conflict types. By enhancing the reputation of negotiating leaders, accommodationist cultural provisions contribute to ending violence by preventing leadership challenges, rebel fragmentation and remobilization across all civil conflicts. By the same logic, and despite the overwhelming emphasis of peace agreements on integrationist cultural initiatives, integrationist cultural reforms problematize leaders' ability to commit to pacts and to ensure compliance among their rank and file.

King of Macedon

I begin by reconstructing the operations in the northern Aegean that enabled Antigonus to keep Antiochus of Asia at bay while he attempted to recover Macedon. At first, he was defeated by Ptolemy Ceraunus, but he returned. It took several attempts, but he did eventually succeed. In this he was aided by the peace accord reached with Antiochus, and by a stroke of luck: he came upon a band of marauding Celts, and by defeating them in the battle of Lysimachea could represent himself as the savior of Macedon. Once he had eliminated a few pretenders, the throne was his. He married Phila, the daughter of Antiochus. I discuss his elevation of the god Pan to major status. But his seat on the throne was not yet stable, and Pyrrhus of Epirus took back most of the country for a couple of years, before Antigonus was able to eliminate him in southern Greece. I then turn to how Antigonus stabilized his country and his reign by a program of reform, by which he devolved some of the power of the throne to high-ranking individuals and to the towns and cities of Macedon. I end with some speculations on Antigonus’s finances.

Renamo and Mozambique

The history of independent Mozambique is a history of war and peace, and it is closely intertwined with the history of the main opposition movement Renamo (Resistência Nacional Moçambicana), which formed as an armed movement and transitioned into a political party. Mozambique gained independence from Portuguese colonial rule in 1975 after a ten-year liberation struggle. The main liberation movement Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) became the ruling party and introduced far-reaching social, economic, and political reforms. These reforms generated discontent, which contributed to the formation of opposition movements in the center of the country. From the late 1970s onwards, an armed movement, later known as Renamo, gained ground in central Mozambique and fought a guerrilla war against the Mozambican government. Renamo received support from Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe) and apartheid South Africa who sought to undermine Frelimo aid to liberation movements in their respective countries. It was only in 1992 that Renamo and Frelimo reached a settlement with the help of international mediators, with a path to multiparty elections in 1994. Since then, Renamo has participated in elections as a political party but has never won a majority in parliament nor was it able to claim the presidency. Political conflict between Frelimo and Renamo has never subsided, with Renamo regularly protesting election results and alleging fraud. Tensions escalated in 2013 and led to low-level conflict in the central region. A ceasefire agreement in 2014 and a unilateral truce by Renamo in December 2016 ended that conflict, but a peace accord was only struck after Afonso Dhlakama—president of Renamo—died of natural causes in 2018. Since then, tensions have remained due to armed activity by a Renamo breakaway movement and a slow demobilization process, and peace remains precarious. Renamo’s transition from an armed movement into a political movement, similarly to Mozambique’s transition from war to peace, has not yet fully materialized.

Conflict affected, parallel health systems: challenges to collaboration between ethnic and government health systems in Kayin State, Myanmar

Background Myanmar has had a long history of civil wars with its minority ethnic groups and is yet to see a sustainable peace accord. The conflicts have had a significant impact on health in Myanmar, with ethnic populations experiencing inequitable health outcomes. Consequently, to meet the health needs of ethnic people, Ethnic Health Organisations and Community-Based Health Organisations (EHO/CBHOs) created their own health system. The EHO/CBHO and Government health systems, provided by the Myanmar Ministry of Health and Sports (MoHS), remain parallel, despite both stakeholders discussing unification of the health systems within the context of ongoing but unresolved peace processes. EHO/CBHOs discuss the ‘convergence’ of health systems, whilst the MoHS discuss the integration of health providers under their National Health Plan. Methods A qualitative study design was used to explore the challenges to collaboration between EHO/CBHOs and the MoHS in Kayin state, Myanmar. Twelve health workers from different levels of the Karen EHO/CBHO health system were interviewed. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and coded. Data was analysed thematically using the Framework method. Topic guides evolved in an iterative process, as themes emerged inductively from the transcripts. A literature review and observation methods were also utilised to increase validity of the data. Results The challenges to collaboration were identified in the following five themes: (1) the current situation is not ‘post conflict’ (2) a lack of trust (3) centralised nature of the MoHS (4) lack of EHO/CBHO health worker accreditation (5) the NHP is not implemented in some ethnic areas. Conclusions Ultimately, all five challenges to collaboration stem from the lack of peace in Myanmar. The health systems cannot be ‘converged or ‘integrated’ until there is a peace accord which is acceptable to all actors. EHO/CBHOs want a federal political system, where the health system is devolved, equitable and accessible to all ethnic people. External donors should understand this context and remain neutral by supporting all health actors in a conflict sensitive manner.

Conflict among Indigenous Communities and Settler Bengali Community of Chittagong Hill Tracts: Is There a Way to Peace?

The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of southeastern Bangladesh is the most isolated and geographically unique region of the country, with its hilly composition, vast valleys, cascading streams, and rivers. It is also home to at least 11 indigenous communities, each with its distinct language, culture, and traditions, and a large quantity of Bengali settler population. Since the beginning, there has been tension between the indigenous communities and the Bengali settler community residing in CHT. Now, this tense situation is becoming more and more intense with each passing year, where you almost can’t have a conversation about CHT without discussing ethnic conflict. Therefore, we need to look for ways out of the current juncture. During my visit to CHT, I found that a lack of understanding between the two entities and unsatisfactory implementation of the 1997 peace accord is causing distrust and frustrations among the ethnic groups, leading them toward increased ethnic violence and eradicating the likelihood of peace further from this hilly region. Therefore, we have to look for ways to foster understanding between the indigenous communities and settler community, in order to create a sense of interconnectedness among them which, in turn, will persuade them to overcome their differences and sympathize with one another. In addition, the unimplemented clauses of the Peace Accord should be implemented as soon as possible to regain indigenous populations' trust and to give them a sense of security on their own ancestral land.

Muhammad Between East and West

Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed. The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve.

A concrete proposal to upgrade the Dayton Peace Agreement

Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed. The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve.

Mali will struggle to bring Kidal under control

Significance Symbolic moves in Kidal city recently, such as the display of the Malian national flag and a meeting held by a committee for monitoring the implementation of a 2015 peace accord, indicate a degree of political opening for the transitional authorities. Kidal is a vital node of the Sahelian conflict, even though violence has declined there relative to central Mali and other conflict theatres. Impacts Progress in Kidal will earn Bamako goodwill from Paris, which sees the Algiers Accord as an essential component of stability in the Sahel. Positive relations between Bamako and the CMA could boost the chances of fruitful dialogue with jihadists, who have ties to the CMA. A working relationship with the CMA could be essential to organising successful national elections in early 2022.

PROMOTING MEASURES FOR PREVENTING CONFLICTS BETWEEN FARMERS AND CATTLE HERDSMEN IN RURAL COMMUNITIES OF BENUE STATE, NIGERIA

Objective: The study was carried out to identify measures for preventing conflicts between farmers and cattle herdsmen in rural communities of Benue State, Nigeria. The specific objectives were to: Describe the socioeconomic characteristics of the respondents; ascertain the causes of conflict between farmers and cattle herdsmen in the study area; and identify measures required for preventing conflicts between farmers and cattle herdsmen. Methods: Data were collected from a sample of one hundred and eighteen (118) respondents in four communities in the study area using a well-structured questionnaire. Descriptive statistics such as frequency, percentage, mean, and standard deviation were used for data analysis. Results: Majority (90.7%) of the respondents had farming as a major source of livelihood, 55.1% were male while 62.7% were married. Damage to crops by cattle (x̄=2.72), uncontrolled grazing (x̄=2.52), herders claiming the land as common property (x̄=2.40), and destruction of farmland (x̄=2.30) were the major causes of conflicts. Measures required for preventing conflicts between farmers and cattle herdsmen include herdsmen education on the effects of the conflict (x̄=2.21), signing of a peace accord by both parties (x̄=2.12), establishment of ranches (x̄=2.06), implementation of law prohibiting open grazing (x̄=2.05), and disarming both parties (x̄=1.87). Conclusion: Educating farmers and herdsmen on the effects of the conflict, signing of a peace accord agreement by both parties, establishment of ranches, implementation of law prohibiting open grazing, and disarming both parties were measures required for preventing conflicts between farmers and cattle herdsmen. It is recommended that law enforcement agencies should enforce law on open grazing to avoid conflicts between farmers and cattle herdsmen in the area.

Youthful victimization in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina: A multi-level analysis of a national sample

Intra-national conflicts with racial or ethnic elements can complicate post-war reconciliation. From 1992 to 1995, much of the former Yugoslavia, a nation largely drawn from three distinct ethnic groups, was embroiled in such a conflict. After the signing of the Dayton Peace Accord, it was feared that schools would become a surrogate battlefield for school-aged children within the newly created nation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Group threat theory and the imbalance of power thesis provide differing views on such conflicts. Group threat theory posits that as a population – in this case a school – approaches maximum ethnic diversity, the residents – in this case the students – will feel increasingly threatened, resulting in higher cross-group victimizations. The imbalance of power thesis suggests that a group’s decision to victimize another group depends on the relative lack of ethnic diversity: The extent to which one ethnic group dominates a school, the likelihood of victimization of any smaller groups increases. We explore which of these two theories best explains victimization levels within a sample of 2003 school-aged BiH adolescents born in areas dominated by Muslim Bosnians, Eastern Orthodox Serbians, or Roman Catholic Croatians. We find that there is an ethnic component to victimizations: students born in Serbia face higher levels of victimization than do their Bosnian-born counterparts under conditions that fit better with group threat theory than the imbalance of power thesis. We speculate about the significance of these findings for national ethnic harmony in BiH.