The address published by the London Corresponding Society, at the general meeting, held at the Globe Tavern, Strand, on Monday the 20th day of January, 1794 … to the people of Great Britain and Ireland. To which are added, the King’s speech at the opening of the present session of “His Parliament” (1794)

Author(s):  
Michael T. Davis ◽  
James Epstein ◽  
Jack Fruchtman ◽  
Mary Thale
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Laurel Carmichael

<p>In the early 1790s more than 300,000 Britons boycotted West Indian sugar in one of the most impressive displays of public mobilisation against the slave trade. Many of those who abstained were inspired by William Fox’s 1791 pamphlet An Address to the People of Great Britain on the Utility of Refraining from the Use of West India Sugar and Rum. The abstention movement gained momentum amidst the failures of the petition campaign to achieve a legislative end to the slave-trade, and placed the responsibility of ending slavery with all British consumers. This thesis draws from cross-disciplinary scholarship to argue that the campaign against slave sugar appealed to an idealised image of the humanitarian consumer and maligned slave. Writers such as Fox based their appeal on a sense of religious duty, class-consciousness and gendered values. Both the domestic sphere and the consumer body were transformed into sites of political activism, as abolitionists attempted to establish a direct link between the ingestion of sugar and the violence of colonial slavery. Attempts to encourage consumers’ sympathetic identification with the plight of distant slaves occurred alongside attempts to invoke horror and repulsion at slave suffering. The image of the West Indian slave presented to consumers was one shaped by fetishized European imaginings. The decision to abstain from slave sugar, therefore, was not only motivated by genuine philanthropic concerns, but the desire to protect the civilised and refined modern consumer, from the contaminating products of colonial barbarity.</p>


1880 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 70-162
Author(s):  
Cornelius Walford
Keyword(s):  

All matters connected with the Food Supply to the people of a great and progressive nation may be regarded as of historical interest. I do not on the present occasion propose to do more than glance at some of the incidents which are associated with this large question; but even these, it will be seen, take a much wider range than at first sight might seem probable; and my effort has been rather in the direction of limiting than of expanding the scope of the inquiry, except that I have had to make the survey a national one, and not limit it to any one portion of the kingdom. Of course London, as the capital, and as the usual seat of government during the period our inquiry covers, absorbs the chief attention.


1981 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-50
Author(s):  
Kenneth Rawnsley

I take it as axiomatic that we want more and better research in psychiatry and in the cognate disciplines, but I have the strong impression that in Great Britain, and especially among younger colleagues, the desire and the ability to contribute to the realization of this aim are tenuous. Why so? Is it the people; the training they have received; the value-systems and ideologies they take on board; the milieu in which they work, or the intrinsic nature of psychiatry which militate against fruitful developments?


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Manley ◽  
Kelvyn Jones ◽  
Ron Johnston

Most of the analysis before the 2016 referendum on the UK’s continued membership of the European Union based on opinion polling data focused on which groups were more likely to support each of the two options, with less attention to the geography of that support – although some regions, especially London and Scotland, were expected to provide substantial support for Remain. Using a recently developed procedure for detailed exploration of large tables derived from survey data, this paper presents the result of a prediction of the outcome across local authorities in Great Britain using just two variables – age and qualifications. In relative terms, that prediction was reasonably accurate – although, reflecting the polls’ overestimate of support for Remain it underestimated the number of places where Leave gained a majority, as was also the case within local authorities where data were published by ward. The model’s predictive value was enhanced by post hoc incorporation of information on turnout and the number of registered electors, and taking these into account there was little evidence of substantial, additional regional variation in levels of support for Leave. Overall, regions were relatively unimportant as influences on the referendum outcome once the characteristics of the people living there were taken into account.


Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United Kingdom. Although a few suffragists and some subsequent scholars have claimed that women's role in preparations for the First World War paved the way for their inclusion, it argues that on its own, a shift in public opinion was not enough, nor was it strictly necessary, to guarantee women's enfranchisement. Instead, it proposes that the war's greatest influence on suffrage lay in the creation of a multi-party wartime cabinet, which saw Arthur Henderson, a Labour leader and a key player in the Election Fighting Fund, appointed to the government. Henderson's early and persistent lobbying prior to the 1916 “Speaker's Conference” on electoral reform is critical for understanding how women's suffrage made its way into the 1918 Representation of the People Act.


Author(s):  
Michael T. Davis ◽  
James Epstein ◽  
Jack Fruchtman ◽  
Mary Thale

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