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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David T Harmes

International Radio Broadcasting (IRB) has been used as a mass communication tool of the state since its inception in the early 1920s. Following its historic use in programs of propaganda, public diplomacy, psychological operations, and international development communication, the practice of IRB can also be found in a number of post-conflict statebuilding operations that are not well documented. Through a case study methodology this dissertation examines the nature of, and motivation for, the use of IRB in post-conflict state-building, as experienced by Canada’s Rana FM in contemporary Afghanistan (2006 – 2011). Using primary research from structured interviews with IRB practitioners and personal observation of IRB operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan, this study draws on information from directing staff, management, producers, on-air presenters, and technical staff; as well as a variety of sources including internal content analyses, opinion polling, and unclassified government documents. Using the strategic communication frameworks of propaganda and development communication, this study found IRBs to function as a form of ‘defensive propaganda’ that aims to reinforce the institutions of the developing state during the process of democratic reconstruction. IRBs in post-conflict state-building can be seen to function in a surrogate capacity that aims to become a creditable source of news and information, in order to maximize audience share and provide a platform for public discussion. This dissertation presents new empirical information on Canada’s IRB in Afghanistan, Rana FM, which operated from January 2007 to July 2011.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David T Harmes

International Radio Broadcasting (IRB) has been used as a mass communication tool of the state since its inception in the early 1920s. Following its historic use in programs of propaganda, public diplomacy, psychological operations, and international development communication, the practice of IRB can also be found in a number of post-conflict statebuilding operations that are not well documented. Through a case study methodology this dissertation examines the nature of, and motivation for, the use of IRB in post-conflict state-building, as experienced by Canada’s Rana FM in contemporary Afghanistan (2006 – 2011). Using primary research from structured interviews with IRB practitioners and personal observation of IRB operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan, this study draws on information from directing staff, management, producers, on-air presenters, and technical staff; as well as a variety of sources including internal content analyses, opinion polling, and unclassified government documents. Using the strategic communication frameworks of propaganda and development communication, this study found IRBs to function as a form of ‘defensive propaganda’ that aims to reinforce the institutions of the developing state during the process of democratic reconstruction. IRBs in post-conflict state-building can be seen to function in a surrogate capacity that aims to become a creditable source of news and information, in order to maximize audience share and provide a platform for public discussion. This dissertation presents new empirical information on Canada’s IRB in Afghanistan, Rana FM, which operated from January 2007 to July 2011.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Irwin ◽  
David R. Mandel ◽  
Brooke Macleod

As US-China great power competition intensifies, public opinion polling may help gauge internal drivers of foreign policy decision-making. Using Pew Research Center data, we analyzed how Americans and Chinese perceived their own and each other’s countries between 2008-2016. We also compared these samples’ perceptions of current economic and future superpower leadership. While Chinese evaluated China more favorably than Americans evaluated the US, they also evaluated the US more favorably than Americans evaluated China. Among Americans, on average, Republicans viewed China less favorably and the US more favorably than Independents or Democrats. Although Chinese consistently viewed the US as the current economic leader, Chinese became increasingly optimistic about China’s prospects for future superpower preeminence over time. Conversely, American perceptions of America’s future status as a leading superpower became increasingly pessimistic over time, especially for Republicans and Independents. Republicans and Independents were also more optimistic about US economic leadership under Republican presidents, while Democrat perceptions were more consistent over time. We discuss our findings’ implications for US-China great power competition and in view of psychological theory.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Heppell

AbstractThis article considers the selection of Keir Starmer as the new Leader of the Labour Party within the context of the Stark model for explaining leadership election outcomes. The article seeks to achieve three objectives. First, to provide an overview of the nomination stages and the candidates who contested the Labour Party leadership election. Second, to provide an analysis of the underlying academic assumptions of the Stark model on leadership selection and to assess its value as an explanatory model. Third, to use opinion-polling evidence to consider the selection of Starmer in relation to the criteria of the Stark model—i.e. that party leadership (s)electorates are influenced by the following hierarchy of strategic goals: acceptability or select the candidate most likely to unify the party; electability or select the candidate most likely to expand the vote base of the party; and competence or select the candidate most likely to be able to implement their policy objectives.


Author(s):  
Larisa Vsevolodovna Grekhneva ◽  
Sergei Valer'evich Krivov ◽  
Sergey Valer'evich Starkin

The critical part of preparation for conducting a mass survey is the proper wording of questions that allows revealing and assessing the preferences, experience and motives of respondents’ behavior. Despite the importance of adequate sampling of respondents and use of effective processing techniques of the acquired information, the result of research would be inaccurate without properly worded and comprehensible questions. The choice of words and putting them together is crucial for understanding of the question and its interpretation by a respondent; even small differences in wording may significantly affect the results. This article is an attempt of carrying out a sociological-linguistic analysis of the problems associated with wording of questions for mass surveys on the relevant political topics. The analysis of survey questions used in public opinion polling determined a number of important factors that influence the veracity and accuracy of research results. The detected problems are multifaceted and reflect different aspects of working survey questions. The analysis of structural aspect demonstrated the significance of proper choice of the type of question, either open-ended or close-ended. The suitability of one or another type is first and foremost defined by the content of question, objectives and tasks of research, and characteristics of respondents. Examination of the spoken form of questions (linguistic aspect) emphasized the importance of selection of linguistic units for comprehensible wording. The paramount role is played by lexical and syntactic linguistic units. The results of semantic analysis of the wording of survey questions is also important. The key problems within the framework of this aspect are associated with imposition of certain answers using imbalanced or suggestive questions, as well as various negative effects that appear as a result of particular placement of questions in a survey or creation a necessary context. All of the aforementioned problems significantly affect the quality of the conducted surveys.


Author(s):  
Ravi K. Perry ◽  
Aaron D. Camp

Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Black LGBTQ Americans invisible in the body politic of powerful institutions that govern society. In the face of centuries-long oppression at the hands of the state, Black LGBTQ Americans have effectively mobilized to establish visibility on the national policymaking agenda. Members of this community have demonstrated a fierce resilience while confronting a violent anti-Black and anti-LGBTQ mainstream agenda narrative in media and politics. This sociopolitical marginalization—from members of their shared demographic, or not, is often framed in partisan or ideological terms in public discourse and in the halls of American political institutions. Secondary marginalization theory and opinion polling frame how personal identity and social experience shape the Black LGBTQ political movement’s expression of what participation in politics in the United States ought to earn them in return. Double-consciousness theory contextualizes the development of Black LGBTQ sociopolitical marginalization in the United States and the community’s responsive mobilization over time—revealing the impact of coalition building and self-identification toward establishing political visibility necessary to improve the lived conditions of the multiply oppressed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 84-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Berg ◽  
Tim König ◽  
Ann-Kathrin Koster

The article contributes to the literature on the political use of hashtags. We argue that hashtag assemblages could be understood in the tradition of representing public opinion through datafication in the context of democratic politics. While traditional data-based epistemic practices like polls lead to the ‘passivation’ of citizens, in the digital constellation this tendency is currently challenged. In media like Twitter, hashtags serve as a technical operator to order the discursive fabrication of diverse publicly articulated opinions that manifest in the assemblage of tweets, algorithms and criticisms. We conceptualize such a critical public as an epistemic sensorium for dislocations based on the expression of experienced social imbalances and its political amplification. On the level of opinion formation, this constitutes a process of democratization, allowing for the expression of diverse opinions and issues even under singular hashtags. Despite this diversity, we see a strong tendency of publicly relevant actors such as news outlets to represent digital forms of opinion expression as unified movements. We argue that this tendency can partly be explained by the affordances of networked media, relating the process of objectification to the network position of the observer. We make this argument empirically plausible by applying methods of network analysis and topic modelling to a dataset of 196,987 tweets sampled via the hashtag #metwo that emerged in the German Twittersphere in the summer of 2018 and united a discourse concerned with racism and identity. In light of this data, we not only demonstrate the hashtag assemblage’s heterogeneity and potential for subaltern agency; we also make visible how hashtag assemblages as epistemic practices are inherently dynamic, distinguishing it from opinion polling through the limited observational capacities and active participation of the actors representing its claims within the hybrid media system.


Author(s):  
Rosalyn Cooperman

Voter support for women candidates in American politics may best be summed up by the often-repeated phrase, “when women run, women win.” This statement indicates that when compared to male candidates running in a similar capacity, such as candidates for open seats in which no incumbent is present, female candidates are equally likely to win elected office. Voters, therefore, seem equally likely at face value to support female candidates. However, the literature on voter support for women candidates suggests that this voter support may be more conditional in nature. A central research thread on voters and women candidates is how voters perceive women candidates and, in turn, their electability. Research on gender stereotypes and candidates examines voter perceptions of the traits they typically associate with men and women, candidates, and officeholders and the circumstances under which these traits make gender and political candidacy more or less attractive. The literature on political party and voter support for women candidates explores how gender and party affect levels of voter support and is offered as one explanation for the party imbalance in women’s representation with female Democrats significantly outnumbering female Republicans as candidates and officeholders. Researchers have also examined how voters evaluate other components of women’s candidacies, including their party affiliation, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. In addition to personal characteristics, scholars have explored how the type or level of office impacts voter support of women candidates with certain types of elected positions often considered more or less well suited for women candidates. More recently, a thread of research on voter support for women candidates has focused on women’s absence from the nation’s highest elected position—the US presidency. Scholars, and the candidate herself, have assessed voter support for or opposition to Hillary Clinton’s unsuccessful presidential bids in 2008 and 2016. This line of research includes public opinion polling that measures both the abstract idea of electing a woman president as well as electing a specific woman president, namely Clinton.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 542-546
Author(s):  
Sara R. Rinfret ◽  
Justin Angle ◽  
Samuel Scott ◽  
Daisy Ward ◽  
Kaixuan Yang ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTFor decades, political and private polling operations have informed about the public’s perceptions regarding a range of topics. In particular, universities (e.g., Marist and Quinnipiac) provide noteworthy research to inform and predict the outcomes of US elections. Yet, what role do our classrooms play in advancing the public opinion polling skills of our students? This article uses experiential learning as a descriptive framework to illustrate how a yearlong, immersive, and student-led public opinion polling experience, the Big Sky Poll, advances students’ social-science and data-fluency skills. Our findings suggest important insights into the future of public opinion polling from the vantage point of a rural Western state, which can be replicated in other academic institutions.


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