LGBT Rights and the U.S. Military Service

2020 ◽  
pp. 95-109
Author(s):  
Lorenda A. Naylor
Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Johnson ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes ◽  
Matt McGue ◽  
William G. Iacono

Previous research has reported correlations between the military service records of parents and their children. Those studies, however, have not determined whether a parent’s military service causally influences an offspring’s participation in the armed forces. To investigate the possibility of a causal relationship, we examined whether lottery numbers issued to draft-eligible men during the U.S. Vietnam-era Selective Service Lotteries influenced the military participation of those men’s children. Our study found higher rates of military participation among children born to fathers whose randomly assigned numbers were called for induction. Furthermore, we perform statistical analyses indicating that the influence of lottery numbers on the subsequent generation’s military participation operated through the military service of draft-eligible men as opposed to mechanisms unrelated to service such as “draft dodging.” These findings provide evidence of a causal link between the military service of parents and their children.


SLEEP ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian A Moore ◽  
Lynn M Tison ◽  
Javier G Palacios ◽  
Alan L Peterson ◽  
Vincent Mysliwiec

Abstract Study Objectives Epidemiologic studies of obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) and insomnia in the U.S. military are limited. The primary aim of this study was to report and compare OSA and insomnia diagnoses in active duty the United States military service members. Method Data and service branch densities used to derive the expected rates of diagnoses on insomnia and OSA were drawn from the Defense Medical Epidemiology Database. Single sample chi-square goodness of fit tests and independent samples t-tests were conducted to address the aims of the study. Results Between 2005 and 2019, incidence rates of OSA and insomnia increased from 11 to 333 and 6 to 272 (per 10,000), respectively. Service members in the Air Force, Navy, and Marines were diagnosed with insomnia and OSA below expected rates, while those in the Army had higher than expected rates (p < .001). Female service members were underdiagnosed in both disorders (p < .001). Comparison of diagnoses following the transition from ICD 9 to 10 codes revealed significant differences in the amounts of OSA diagnoses only (p < .05). Conclusion Since 2005, incidence rates of OSA and insomnia have markedly increased across all branches of the U.S. military. Despite similar requirements for overall physical and mental health and resilience, service members in the Army had higher rates of insomnia and OSA. This unexpected finding may relate to inherent differences in the branches of the military or the role of the Army in combat operations. Future studies utilizing military-specific data and directed interventions are required to reverse this negative trend.


2019 ◽  
pp. 79-117
Author(s):  
Michael J. Sullivan

This chapter considers why immigrant military personnel and veterans should be granted unconditional naturalization immediately upon enlistment. It makes a normative argument for reviving the connection between the obligations of military service and the rights of citizenship. It applies this argument to the political problem of deporting noncitizen military personnel and veterans. In the U.S., military service currently does not immediately result in naturalization. Nor does it protect a noncitizen veteran from deportation. The normative content of the oath of enlistment should be construed as creating a permanent reciprocal relationship of rights and obligations between the U.S. government and a soldier regardless of citizenship status. Noncitizens who serve in a nation’s armed forces during a period of declared hostilities should be rendered immune from deportation for the rest of their lives. If they commit an offense, they should be punished for their crimes without being deported or denaturalized.


Author(s):  
Howard G. Wilshire ◽  
Richard W. Hazlett ◽  
Jane E. Nielson

Since 1900, United States troops have fought in more foreign conflicts than any other nation on Earth. Most Americans supported those actions, believing that they would keep the scourge of war far from our homes. But the strategy seems to have failed—it certainly did not prevent terror attacks against the U.S. mainland. The savage Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 and the 11 September 2001 (9/11) attacks on New York and Washington, D.C. were not the first to inflict war damage in America’s 48 contiguous states, however—nor were they the first warlike actions to harm innocent citizens since the Civil War. Paradoxically, making war abroad has always required practicing warfare in our own back yards. Today’s large, mechanized military training exercises have degraded U.S. soils, water supplies, and wildlife habitats in the same ways that the real wars affected war-torn lands far away. The saddest fact of all is that the deadly components of some weapons in the U.S. arsenal never found use in foreign wars but have attacked U.S. citizens in their own homes and communities. The relatively egalitarian universal service of World War II left a whole generation of Americans with nostalgia and reverence for military service. Many of us, perhaps the majority, might argue that human and environmental sacrifices are the price we must be willing to pay to protect our interests and future security. A current political philosophy proposes that the United States must even start foreign wars to protect Americans and their homes. But Americans are not fully aware of all the past sacrifices—and what we don’t know can hurt us. Even decades-old impacts from military training still degrade land and contaminate air and water, particularly in the arid western states, and will continue to do so far into the future. Exploded and unexploded bombs, mines, and shells (“ordnance,” in military terms) and haphazard disposal sites still litter former training lands in western states. And large portions of the western United States remain playgrounds for war games, subject to large-scale, highly mechanized military operations for maintaining combat readiness and projecting American power abroad.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Charles R. Figley ◽  
Jeffrey S. Yarvis ◽  
Bruce A. Thyer

Social workers have a long, proud history of service in most branches of the United States military, often as commissioned officers with graduate practice degrees (Daley, 2003). Samuel Washington (1957), an active duty social worker, was the first to discuss the history and function of social work in military service. He noted that in 1945 social work was fully integrated as a separate specialty in the U.S. military and “its subsequent development to its present level [i.e., 1957] have been recognized as instrumental in maintaining and conserving the defense strength of its country” (p. 1)....


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Cancio

Every year, over 20,000 Hispanics enlist in the U.S. military. Their military experiences influence their long-term educational outcomes. This exploratory study estimates the effect of military service on education level completed by men up to 15 years after initial enlistment. Findings suggest that technical military jobs, more than nontechnical military jobs, positively influence the educational outcomes of individuals after military service.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2091839
Author(s):  
Robert Ralston ◽  
Matthew Motta ◽  
Jennifer Spindel

Are Americans aware and concerned about White nationalism in the U.S. Military? Our large and demographically representative survey suggests that while most Americans suspect at least some presence of White nationalism in the military, many do not view it as a serious problem; particularly self-identified conservatives and respondents who hold highly favorable views toward military service members. However, in a between-/within-subjects experiment embedded in our survey, we show that providing information about the issue of White nationalism in the U.S. Military increases the public’s overall concern about White nationalism in the U.S. Military.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5;23 (9;5) ◽  
pp. E429-E439
Author(s):  
Hunter Jackson Smith

Background: Chronic pain is a growing problem in the military, and the methods by which we have to perform epidemiologic surveillance are insufficient. It represents both a public health and military readiness concern, as those who suffer from it experience adverse impacts on work productivity, physiological health, and quality of life. Objectives: This study was designed to assess the prevalence of chronic pain among active component military service members utilizing 2 distinct, published case definitions. It sought to describe the demographics and military characteristics of those receiving chronic pain diagnoses. The study also aimed to provide improved granularity regarding military chronic pain patients’ pain severity and its impacts on their job performance. Study Design: Cross-sectional analysis for 2018. Setting: This analysis utilized data available from the Defense Medical Surveillance System, a database containing longitudinal data on service members. Methods: Patients: The surveillance population consisted of all active component service members from the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines of all grades serving at any point during the surveillance period of January 1, 2018 through December 31, 2018. Measurement: Diagnoses were ascertained from the administrative records of all medical encounters of individuals who received care through the Military Health System or civilian referrals. Data from patients’ Periodic Health Assessment (PHA) encounters were also utilized to derive more granular data regarding their experiences of pain. Results: Case Definition 1, more specific for identifying chronic pain, identified a more severe subset of chronic pain patients when compared against Case Definition 2, a more comprehensive method for identifying potential chronic pain patients. Case Definition 1 found a higher prevalence of impactful pain (CD1: 36.7% vs. CD2: 23.5%), and Case Definition 1 patients are more likely to be on limited duty and require treatment related to their pain. Several demographic groups were also found to be at increased risk of chronic pain diagnosis, including women, black non-Hispanic, Army, older age, and enlisted. Limitations: First, in utilizing administrative data, this allows for the possibility of misclassification bias. Second, some deployment data still used ICD-9 coding even in 2018, resulting in a minor underestimation by approximately 30 patients and approximately 60 encounters. Third, the prevalence estimates for the demographics were not adjusted for potential confounders. Conclusions: Chronic pain has been difficult to define via administrative and screening data, and as such its burden and prevalence estimates can vary considerably depending on which case definition is used. This is of particular importance in the U.S. military, as these estimates can significantly impact our calculations for force readiness and the protection of our national security. To our knowledge, this study is the first of its kind to examine chronic pain across the entirety of the U.S. armed forces and to utilize granular, annually collected PHA data in this way. The results of this exploratory analysis could be used as a template to better characterize the burden of chronic pain from a populationbased perspective and monitor the effectiveness of pain management strategies. Key words: Chronic pain, military, case definition, surveillance, epidemiology


Author(s):  
Andrew Goodhart ◽  
Jami K. Taylor

For most of its history, the U.S. military has maintained a policy of exclusion toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people serving in uniform. The justifications for these exclusions have included the view that being homosexual or transgender is a psychological disorder, that it undermines military morale and effectiveness, and a fear that LGBT people would be vulnerable to foreign espionage. Explicit policies banning consensual homosexual sex—and excluding from service those who engage in it—date to the period between World Wars I and II, but de facto efforts at exclusion have existed since the early days of the republic. Regulations governing homosexuals in the military came under pressure in the 1970s and 1980s as societal views toward lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people changed, and those LGB service members discharged under the policy increasingly challenged their treatment in court. (Public pressure to change regulations governing transgender people in the military arose mostly in the 2000s, though litigation efforts date to the 1970s.) In addition to general shifts in public and legal opinion, the debate over LGB people serving in the U.S. military was affected by the experience of foreign militaries that allow LGB people to serve. United States law began to loosen formal restrictions on LBG people serving in uniform with the passage of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) in 1994, but it still required LGB people to serve in secret. Changing public perceptions of LGB people and problems implementing the ban galvanized support for eliminating such restrictions. In 2010, President Obama signed legislation repealing DADT and removing all restrictions on LGB people serving in the military. However, transgender people do not enjoy the same rights. The Trump administration has revised Obama-era rules on transgender service members to enable greater exclusion. The issue is being contested in the courts and appears ripe for further political and legal dispute.


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