Recognizing agood opportunity - White Trash Services: targeting a new market?

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Dale Hudson

This chapter explores whiteness’s purported expansion through multiculturalism after Civil Rights and the Immigration Act of 1965. By yoking the inclusivity of multiculturalism and exclusivity of whiteness, multicultural whiteness sustains white privilege without acknowledging it, granting conditional or provisional inclusion to select nonwhite groups. It becomes a performative category (“white-identified-ness”) questioned in films like Blacula (1972), Ganja and Hess (1973), Martin (1976), Fright Night (1985), The Lost Boys (1987), Near Dark (1987), Interview with the Vampire (1994), and The Addiction (1995). Classical Hollywood whiteness is transformed by greater emphasis on so-called national values—individualism, consumerism, patriotism, secularism, and willful amnesia—that sustain foundational myths of a nation of immigrants, land of opportunity, and beacon of democracy. Within the proliferation of representations of a multicultural United States, films question limitations on political representation for anyone not identifying—or being identified—with whiteness, including so-called white trash.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146247452110115
Author(s):  
Robert Todd Perdue

While prisons are often seen as locally undesirable land uses (LULUs), nuance and historical analysis is needed to understand why this is not the case for all places, as well as why many of these “sites of acceptance” are layered upon legacies of resource extraction and environmental degradation. Central Appalachia has seen a shift from coalfields to prisonfields in the past three decades as policymakers turn to the incarceration industry to stem unemployment and depopulation as coal mining declines. Using the conceptual lens of trash, I contend that the literal trashing of the ecosystems of this region has been fostered by the metaphorical representation of Appalachians as “white trash.” In turn, the space is now viewed as a logical location for the deposition of “societal castoffs” in the form of prisoners.


1998 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 80-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana Frank

In Towards the Abolition of Whiteness David Roediger tells the story of Covington Hall, the editor of a newsletter published by the Brotherhood of Timber Workers in Louisiana in 1913 and 1914. Roediger deftly analyzes efforts by Hall and other white writers in the brotherhood to construct cross-racial unity within an otherwise racially torn working class. He shows how Hall redrew the lines of solidarity: On one side were the degraded, of any race.On the other were enlightened workers who eschewed racial divisions, racist language, and stereotypes. “There are white men, Negro men, and Mexican men in this union, but no niggers, greasers or white trash,” proclaimed Ed Lehman, a soapbox speaker for the Brotherhood. A headline in the newsletter similarly asked readers to choose, “SLAVES OR MEN, WHICH?” Still more graphically, a cartoon commanded, “Let all white MEN and Negro MEN get on the same side of this rotten log.”


Author(s):  
Justin Mellette

Peculiar Whiteness argues for deeper consideration of the complexities surrounding the disparate treatment of poor whites throughout southern literature and attests to how broad such experiences have been. While the history of prejudice against this group is not the same as the legacy of violence perpetrated against people of color in America, individuals regarded as ‘white trash’ have suffered a dehumanizing process in the writings of various white authors. Poor white characters are frequently maligned as grotesque and anxiety-inducing, especially when they are aligned in close proximity to blacks or with other troubling conditions such as physical difference. Thus, as a symbol, much has been asked of poor whites, and various iterations of the label (e.g., ‘white trash,’ tenant farmers, or even people with a little less money than average) have been subject to a broad spectrum of judgment, pity, compassion, fear, and anxiety. Peculiar Whiteness engages key issues in contemporary critical race studies, whiteness studies, and southern studies, both literary and historical. Through discussions of authors including Charles Chesnutt, Thomas Dixon, Erskine Caldwell, William Faulkner, and Flannery O’Connor, the book analyzes how we see how whites in a position of power work to maintain their status, often by finding ways to re-categorize and marginalize people who might not otherwise have seemed to fall under the auspices or boundaries of ‘white trash.’


2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-24
Author(s):  
lisa harper

This essay is both celebration and portrait of the late Barton Rouse and his influential career as chef at the Terrace Club of Princeton University during the writer's undergraduate career. In the late 1980s and early 1990's Barton Rouse transformed a dilapidated building into a culinary mecca. He planned inventive daily menus (chrysanthemum soup; broiled tuna with morel sauce; White Trash Night) and hosted extravagant special events: an anti-Valentine's day dinner, for instance, which featured Blackened Rib Steaks and Catfish Fillets, Black fettuccine with sour cream and lox sauce and red and black caviar, bleeding hearts of beet salad, brandied cherry ambrosia, and mocha espresso cheesecake. The man and his food broke boundaries between high culture and low, good taste and bad, east and west, rural and urban, adult and child. In the process of cooking for his members, Rouse taught hundreds of young people how to eat, but also that cooking was a labor of love and a genuine aesthetic pursuit. His humor, whimsy, and inventive extravagance left a legacy which links inextricably food and politics to our fundamental way of being in the world.


2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-142
Author(s):  
Grace Elizabeth Hale
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
pp. 111-155
Author(s):  
Loka Ashwood

This chapter focuses on the rural rebel, who has been labeled with disparaging terms such as “hick,” “hillbilly,” “redneck,” “white trash,” etc. Such monikers stood for, and in large part remain tied to, political conservatives and the traditions of their environment, and opposed to the notion of progress that the state demands. It is argued that such terms denigrate the environmental embeddedness of the poor they are used to describe. Rebels exist because all states have their problems, even democratic ones; because people are environmentally embedded, and they have never ceased to be; and because the democratic state is not all-encompassing in its representation.


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