From the Iberian Peninsula to Latin America: The Socialist International’s Initiatives in the First Years of Brandt’s Presidency The research presented in this chapter is the result of a project coordinated by Bernardino Gomes, passed away in 2016, and me and is titled “The United States, Europe and the Democratization of Latin America,” developed at the Portuguese Institute for International Relations (IPRI-NOVA) and funded by the Gulbenkian Foundation and the Foundation for Luso-American Development (FLAD). Gomes, Bernardino

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Iberian Peninsula ◽  
The United States

El Chamizal

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip C. Jessup
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Revolutionary War ◽  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
History Of

Territorial disputes are commonplace in the history of international relations. The United States has had its share—the northeastern boundary with the British territories after the Revolutionary War, “54:40 or fight” in 1845–1846, the Alaskan boundary arbitration in 1903, and many others— including El Chamizal. This “thicket” or “brierpatch” was one in which the friendly relations between the United States and Mexico were entangled for almost a century. “The Chamizal conflict has not been a major factor in United States-Mexican relations, but has been a constant emotional irritant which has plagued both nations and had frequent reverberations throughout Latin America.”

Subordinate-State Agency and US Hegemony: Colombian Consent versus Bolivian Dissent

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quintijn B Kat
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Agency ◽  
Design Phase ◽  
Plan Colombia ◽  
American States ◽  
Us Hegemony

Abstract The strategies of subordinate states in hegemonic or asymmetrical relations have been widely studied by international relations scholars. Such works generally focus on how a subordinate state can influence the hegemon's behavior so as to address and further the interests of the subordinate state. The relation between subordinate-state agency and the hegemonic system, the makeup of the hegemonic order, itself receives less attention. Through analysis of two cases of US hegemony in Latin America, this article examines how subordinate-state agency may strengthen or weaken the hegemonic system and, as such, makes a case for subordinate-state agency as an underpinning element of hegemony. It explores Colombian agency in the design phase of Plan Colombia as contributing to US hegemony, while Bolivian agency under the presidency of Evo Morales is examined as a challenge. In both instances, it was the United States, rather than the Latin American states, that took on a passive role, leaving the initiative with Colombia and Bolivia. Therefore, instead of reaffirmations of active one-way US hegemony versus passive subordinate states, the paper proposes to understand both cases as demonstrating the importance of subordinate-state agency in the configuration of the hegemonic system.

The Normalization of U.S. Policy Toward Cuba? Rapprochement and Regional Hegemony

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-72
Author(s):  
Rubrick Biegon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Power ◽  
Trump Administration

ABSTRACTThis article examines change and continuity in the United States' recent foreign policy toward Cuba. In the context of the posthegemonic regionalism of the Pink Tide and regional disputes over Cuba's position in the interamerican system, the Obama administration's rapprochement was driven to protect the institutional power and consensual features of U.S. hegemony in the Americas. The Trump administration reversed aspects of Obama's normalization policy, adopting a more coercive approach to Cuba and to Latin America more broadly. Against the emerging scholarly proposition that the international relations of the Americas have crossed a posthegemonic threshold, this analysis utilizes a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that the oscillations in U.S. Cuba policy represent strategic shifts in a broader process of hegemonic reconstitution. The article thus situates U.S. policy toward Cuba in regional structures, institutions, and dynamics.

scholarly journals Chile en el mundo:

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel De la Fuente Ferreras
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
America Latina

En 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva comenzó el primer gobierno democratacristiano en América Latina. Este artículo analiza el protagonismo de las relaciones internacionales de Chile entre ese año, cuando comenzó la denominada “Revolución en Libertad”, y 1970, momento en el que el triunfo electoral de Salvador Allende truncó el proyecto de la Democracia Cristiana. Durante ese tiempo, el gobierno chileno de Eduardo Frei desplegó un intenso programa de relaciones exteriores con Estados Unidos, el resto de los países iberoamericanos y otros pertenecientes al bloque socialista, además de mantener una activa agenda europea. Todo ello, dentro del marco de las directrices políticas que determinaban su programa y del cambiante panorama internacional. In 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva began the first Christian Democratic government in Latin America. This article analyzes the leading role in Chile´s international relations between that year, when the so-called “Revolution in Liberty” began, and 1970, when the electoral victory of Salvador Allende truncated the Christian Democracy project. During that time, the Chilean government of Eduardo Frei deployed an intense foreign relations program with the United States, the rest of the Ibero-American countries and others belonging to the socialist bloc, in addition to maintaining  an active European agenda. All this within the framework of the political guidelines that determined its program and the changing international panorama.

Trust, but Verify

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.

The Rise and Fall of Great Powers

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geir Lundestad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Modernization

There are no laws in history. Realists, liberals, and others are both right and wrong. Although no one can be certain that military incidents may not happen, for the foreseeable future China and the United States are unlikely to favor major war. They have cooperated well for almost four decades now. China is likely to continue to focus on its economic modernization. It has far to go to measure up to the West. The American-Chinese economies are still complementary. A conflict with the United States or even with China’s neighbors would have damaging repercussions for China’s economic goals. The United States is so strong that it would make little sense for China to take it on militarily. There are also other deterrents against war, from nuclear weapons to emerging norms about international relations. It is anybody’s guess what will happen after the next few decades. History indicates anything is possible.

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