scholarly journals Chile en el mundo:

Author(s):  
Ángel De la Fuente Ferreras

En 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva comenzó el primer gobierno democratacristiano en América Latina. Este artículo analiza el protagonismo de las relaciones internacionales de Chile entre ese año, cuando comenzó la denominada “Revolución en Libertad”, y 1970, momento en el que el triunfo electoral de Salvador Allende truncó el proyecto de la Democracia Cristiana. Durante ese tiempo, el gobierno chileno de Eduardo Frei desplegó un intenso programa de relaciones exteriores con Estados Unidos, el resto de los países iberoamericanos y otros pertenecientes al bloque socialista, además de mantener una activa agenda europea. Todo ello, dentro del marco de las directrices políticas que determinaban su programa y del cambiante panorama internacional. In 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva began the first Christian Democratic government in Latin America. This article analyzes the leading role in Chile´s international relations between that year, when the so-called “Revolution in Liberty” began, and 1970, when the electoral victory of Salvador Allende truncated the Christian Democracy project. During that time, the Chilean government of Eduardo Frei deployed an intense foreign relations program with the United States, the rest of the Ibero-American countries and others belonging to the socialist bloc, in addition to maintaining  an active European agenda. All this within the framework of the political guidelines that determined its program and the changing international panorama.

Author(s):  
Curtis A. Bradley

This chapter describes U.S. law governing the use of military force, and it considers the potential value of comparative study of how different countries regulate the issue. As the chapter notes, there is significant uncertainty and debate in the United States over the distribution of authority concerning the use of force—in particular, over whether and to what extent military actions must be authorized by Congress. Because courts in the modern era have generally declined to review the legality of military actions, disputes over this issue have had to be resolved, as a practical matter, through the political process. For those who believe that it is important to have legislative involvement in decisions to use force, the political process has not proven to be satisfactory: presidents have often used military force without obtaining congressional approval, and Congress generally has done little to resist such presidential unilateralism. The United States is not the only country to struggle with regulating the domestic authority to use military force. This issue of foreign relations law is common to constitutional democracies, and nations vary substantially in how they have addressed it. Comparative study of such approaches should be of inherent interest to scholars and students, including those trying to better understand the U.S. approach. Whether and to what extent such study should also inform the interpretation or revision of U.S. law presents a more complicated set of questions that are affected in part by one’s legal methodology and how the comparative materials are being invoked.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 222-229
Author(s):  
Kaniet Zhamilova ◽  

This work is dedicated to learn about the Kyrgyz - US relationships after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The paper analyzed the political and economic relationships between two independent countries after 1991. This work is identified the three steps of the development of bilateral relationships, analyzed how the cooperation changes during the different president administrations and how do external and internal problems affected on it. It has also identified that the relationship between the United States and Kyrgyzstan in political and economic sphere was different as far as presidents were different. So, every president had their own ideas, provisions, strategies and priorities based on their awareness and knowledge of politics and international relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172096235
Author(s):  
Daniel Rueda

The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
LESLIE BETHELL

AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip C. Jessup

Territorial disputes are commonplace in the history of international relations. The United States has had its share—the northeastern boundary with the British territories after the Revolutionary War, “54:40 or fight” in 1845–1846, the Alaskan boundary arbitration in 1903, and many others— including El Chamizal. This “thicket” or “brierpatch” was one in which the friendly relations between the United States and Mexico were entangled for almost a century. “The Chamizal conflict has not been a major factor in United States-Mexican relations, but has been a constant emotional irritant which has plagued both nations and had frequent reverberations throughout Latin America.”


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 808-828 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Simon

The disparities in per-capita wealth and national productivity that divide the United States and Latin America today have often been understood as results of institutional variations introduced during each region's period of imperial rule. According to this interpretation, path-dependent processes preserved institutions installed by Britain, Spain, and Portugal across the centuries, propagating their positive or negative economic effects, and eventually producing a marked “development gap” in the hemisphere. This article aims to improve this account by highlighting the direct and indirect economic effects of the success or failure of the political unions establishedafterindependence in both the United States and Latin America. It demonstrates that influential political theorists throughout the hemisphere understood the developmental advantages to be gained from unifying former colonies and employing the political authority newly at their disposal to abolish the stifling institutional legacies of European rule, suggesting that if Spanish America's unions had endured, or conversely, if the United States had collapsed, the two regions' economies might not have diverged as dramatically as they subsequently did. This illustrates an important contribution that the emerging subfield of “comparative political theory” can make to comparative political science in general, and to the new institutionalism in particular, by providing uniquely direct insight into the choices available to political actors in consequential moments of institutional genesis and change, and revealing the contingency of institutional variations that might otherwise appear inevitable.


2015 ◽  
pp. 25-29
Author(s):  
A. A. Orlov

The article analyzes the political processes taking place in Latin America. The author pays special attention to the increase of tension in some countries on the continent, especially in Venezuela, Argentina and Brazil. He comes to the conclusion that the United States, who have distanced themselves from Latin America’s affairs in recent years, head for «reformatting» of the continent under its own interest, that can have a serious destabilizing effect.


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