Okinawan Dream Show

Author(s):  
Ran Ma

This chapter deals with the oeuvre of Okinawan filmmaker Takamine Gō and video artist Yamashiro Chikako, with an emphasis on the former’s feature Queer Fish Lane (Hengyoro, 2016). Taking as a point of departure Gilles Deleuze’s framework of time-image, which underpins his explication of modern political cinema, this chapter examines how Takamine has experimented with textual strategies and forms of expression in configuring the ‘stratigraphic image’ apropos of Okinawa, wherein the boundaries between the actual and the virtual and between the real and the imagined are blurred. Meanwhile, I also turn to Yamashiro Chikako’s recent narrative-oriented video works that have been intricately connected to the legacies of the Battle of Okinawa and the current waves of protests against the US military bases on the islands.

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 450-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul O’Shea

Governed directly by the US from the Battle of Okinawa in 1945 until its reversion to Japan in 1972, the island of Okinawa hosts the majority of US military bases in Japan despite comprising only a fraction of a percent of the total land area. The central government in Tokyo has refused to countenance revision of the status quo in the face of increasing local opposition, including mass protests and the election of anti-base politicians at the local, prefectural and national level. The relocation of the controversial Marine base at Futenma to Henoko in the north of the island, has become the locus of opposition in recent years. Activists, local media and local politicians call for it to be relocated outside Okinawa to reduce the burden on the prefecture, while the central government, conservative national media and the US maintain that the current relocation plan must be implemented – to do otherwise would undermine deterrence. This article analyses the projection of the deterrence strategic narrative in the conservative Japanese media. The first section locates the concept of strategic narratives in a discursive epistemology, and highlights the importance of discursively empowered actors, before placing the newspapers in the broader context of the Japanese media environment, which differs from that of other highly developed countries in the way it empowers traditional actors. The main section of the article then traces the development of the narrative from the late 1990s, analysing how it discursively links the Marines’ presence with the ‘China threat’, and how it renders those who question the narrative as naïve, or even dangerous, for potentially undermining the Japan–US alliance and thus the security of all Japan. The article concludes by assessing the effects of the narrative, including potential unintended consequences for deterrence in the long run.


1969 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yali Friedman

Last fall I was invited to an international workshop with the aim of helping develop a research university in Okinawa, the Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology (OIST). It was an enlightening experience to observe the creation of a new knowledge infrastructure. Although I cannot comment on the workshop discussions, I will share some of my personal thoughts and observations.To understand the development of a research university in Okinawa, it is necessary to first understand Okinawa. Historically a separate nation, Okinawa became a prefecture of Japan in 1879. Following the Second World War, Okinawa was under United States administration until 1972, when it was transferred to Japanese administration. It comprises less than 1% of Japan's landmass, but is home to more than 75% of Japan's US military bases. While under US administration, Okinawa's economy was largely comprised of direct and indirect revenues from the US military bases. Since the transfer to Japanese control, concerted efforts have been underway to diversify and develop an independent economy. The main industries are currently tourism, functional foods and information and communication industries. Okinawa's dependence on revenues from the US military bases has decreased, but unemployment remains high – twice the rate of any other prefecture – and per capita income is the lowest in Japan.My first observation on arriving at OIST was its isolation. The institute was built into a dense forest at the top of a mountain, in wonderful harmony with nature. Yet, as I looked out at the rich forests, I wondered where all the supportive infrastructure was. Where were the office parks, incubator spaces and the cafes and restaurants where innovators could work and interact? It became immediately apparent that beyond building a state-of-the-art research institute, much effort would be needed to attract and retain complementary assets. If scientists seeking to develop innovations from OIST laboratories had to leave the area, or leave Okinawa, to develop them, then they might never return, or worse, not elect to initiate research in Okinawa.Beyond simply having the necessary resources for development and commercialization of innovations, Okinawa and OIST also need a compelling pitch if they are to attract interest; given the numerous global locations to engage in research and development, what are compelling reasons to select Okinawa? The founders of OIST established it as an English-speaking institute – a decision which potentially places it as a gateway for Japanese seeking to reach outwards, and a gateway for foreigners seeking access to Japan markets and minds. They have also been strongly involved in supporting local schools, helping build an innovative mindset among the next generation of Okinawans.I feel that more aggressive tactics should also be applied. Okinawa's unique situation – the relative abundance of foreign military bases and the weak economy – enable it to make special requests of the central government. I strongly encourage OIST and Okinawa to seek special status to bolster development. Just as Puerto Rico's strategic tax abatements led it to become the dominant location for pharmaceutical manufacturing for the US market, Okinawa can employ policy measures unavailable to other prefectures to drive development. Reducing the tax burden for eligible start-ups and reducing payroll taxes for start-up employees are good ideas which have been implemented elsewhere, but Okinawa can also become a test-ground for greater innovation policies. Article 35 of Japan's Patent Law, similar to the US Bayh-Dole Act, grants ownership of employee inventions to the employer (including research institutes and universities). Although this automatic grant of ownership to universities has been successful in the leading American universities, an alternative model has been working very well in other countries. Some universities, such as Canada's University of Waterloo (home to more high-tech and knowledge-based spin-offs than any other Canadian school) opt to grant intellectual property ownership to the inventor. Although the university might lose millions of dollars in potential patent royalties, it is able to attract and retain leading researchers at lower cost and also gains all the spillover benefits from development and commercialization. By granting OIST a waiver from Article 35, the institute could attract global research leaders who seek to own their inventions. Venture capitalists and service providers could follow these researchers, helping develop a local supportive infrastructure at no direct cost.The development of a new research university is a complex undertaking. Diverse inter-connected and mutually dependent elements must be laid down, often with external support to sustain them until they can be self-sufficient. The leadership at OIST realizes the need for long-term thinking and sustained support. I look forward to following their progress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 263 (6) ◽  
pp. 653-658
Author(s):  
Takeshi Tokashiki

Currently, about 186.09 km2 of US military bases are located in Okinawa Prefecture, accounting for about 10.4% of the prefecture's land area, and about 70% of US military bases nationwide are concentrated. Many of the US military bases are located in or near urban areas, and have an impact on the city planning of related municipalities. Among them, the aircraft noise problem is serious, and noise exceeding 100 dB (value observed in the residential area at the measurement point) such as takeoff and landing noise and engine adjustment noise is generated on a daily basis, which greatly deteriorates the living environment of the local residents. It is a factor. In response to this, the national government has taken measures such as soundproofing work. In this study, the subjects were Kadena Air Base and Futenma Air Base, and continuous measurements were made around the bases to investigate the surrounding sound environment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Degang Sun ◽  
Yahia H. Zoubir

Djibouti is the only country in the world in which US, French, German, Italian, Spanish, and Japanese military forces are stationed simultaneously; China will soon have a presence there as well. The US military deployment in Djibouti has shifted from a soft military presence to an arrangement of significant strategic import, and from a small outpost to a large garrison in the past two decades. The internal dynamics of the US deployment are geopolitical, as the US presence facilitates the carrying out of its strategies regarding antiterrorism, anti-proliferation, the protection of energy investments, and anti-piracy. The external dynamics of the US deployment are geo-economic: the government of Djibouti, as the host nation, reaps economic windfalls from the US presence in this strategically located country. Given that the United States has failed since 2008 to persuade any country on the continent to host AFRICOM, the base in Djibouti is likely to remain the only one in East Africa. Djibouti may be part of a pattern whereby some small African nations, such as São Tomé and Príncipe, collect revenue through the provision of military bases to big powers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Fabregat ◽  
Farooq A. Kperogi

This article explores how America’s mainline institutional media portrayed Guam, an unincorporated US territory in the Pacific Ocean that is home to important American military bases, in a time of heightened tensions between the United States and North Korea. Guamanians represent marginal racial ‘others’ who are nonetheless ensconced in a consequential part of the US military architecture. Using a combination of topic modelling and network analysis, our study analysed 2480 articles from 44 different mainstream newspapers in the United States between April 2017 and June 2018 in order to examine the contradictory depiction of an ‘other’ that is simultaneously foreign and domestic. Our results present evidence of a hegemonic portrayal of Guam as an intrinsic part of the US as well as a depiction of the threat to Guam as an attack on the US without acknowledging the marginality of Guam and its inhabitants in US politics.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document