scholarly journals White Free Speech: The Fraser Event and its Enlightenment Legacies

1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Goldie Osuri

This essay discusses the 2005 Australia-wide controversy about the white supremacist comments made by Macquarie University academic Associate Professor Andrew Fraser. It locates the means by which this white supremacism manifested itself not only through Fraser comments, but also through arguments surrounding free speech/academic freedom. Using whiteness theory and its examination of whiteness as an Enlightenment legacy, Osuri argues that the collusion between Fraser’s white supremacism and the free speech/academic freedom argument is based on a disavowal of how whiteness operates, as Aileen Moreton-Robinson describes it, as an epistemological and ontological a priori, an embodied form of knowledge-production, and collective white hegemony.

Author(s):  
Jennifer Lackey

This chapter provides an introduction to the volume and to each of the individual chapters, and it is divided into three sections. In the first section, the rationale for academic freedom is discussed, focusing particularly on truth-based and justice-based arguments, as well as on the connection between academic freedom and free speech. The parameters of academic freedom are taken up in the second section, where three issues are addressed: the scope of outside threats to academic freedom, whether academic freedom protects extramural speech, and the extent to which academic freedom permits a change to research areas. In the last section, academic freedom is discussed in connection with specific issues, including silencing, microaggressions, content warnings, campus protests, civil disobedience, and no platforming.


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter introduces the task force created by Governor Terry McAuliffe in Richmond, Virginia that are tasked to study the racial violence in the city of Charlottesville during the summer of 2017. It mentions the violence in Richmond that claimed the life of Heather Heyer when a white supremacist, James Alex Fields Jr., slammed his speeding car into a crowd of counter-protesters confronting a “Unite the Right” rally. This chapter explains the work of the task force, which requires them to deeply investigate the constitutional protections of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly and the rules of engagement governing what society could or could not do when confronted with racial supremacist groups rallying in a city. It also describes the famous free speech case called Virginia vs. Black involving vicious racist hate speech. The case involved a cross-burning rally of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in rural western Virginia in 1998 and a second cross-burning incident in Virginia Beach in the yard of an African American, James Jubilee.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Newman*

Ontario Premier Doug Ford and US President Donald Trump have something in common: both recently issued directives to colleges and universities intended to promote free speech on campus. Premier Ford’s came first. In August 2018, shortly after winning the provincial election, Ford required all colleges and universities in the province to devise policies upholding free speech on their campuses in line with a minimum standard prescribed by his government. The policies were to be in place no later than January 1, 2019. Failure to comply would result in a reduction of operating grant funding from the province. President Trump’s executive order concerning “free inquiry” on American campuses was issued in March 2019. The order states that it is the policy of the federal government to encourage institutions of higher learning “to foster environments that promote open, intellectually engaging, and diverse debate, including through compliance with the First Amendment for public institutions and compliance with stated institutional policies regarding freedom of speech for private institutions.”1 Colleges and universities that fail to do so are threatened with the loss of federal research and education grants.   * Associate Professor, Department of Politics, Faculty of Liberal Arts and Professional Studies, York University where he teaches political theory.1 Andy Thomason, “Here’s What Trump’s Executive Order on Free Speech Says”, The Chronicle of Higher Education (21 March 2019), online: <chronicle.com/article/Heres-Wat-Trumps-Executive/245943?cid+bn&utm_medium=en&cid=bn>. An executive order is a directive issued by the President of the United States in his capacity as head of the executive branch and has the force of law. Trump’s executive order on campus free speech is reproduced in its entirety online.


Ethics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 130 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mark Simpson
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-97
Author(s):  
Carol Silverman

Recently scholars have begun to investigate who produces knowledge about Roma and with what agendas. I extend this inquiry to ask how reflexivity by a non-Romani ally and researcher contributes to analyzing the production and use of knowledge in Romani Studies. I examine various roles I have inhabited and forms of scholarship I have produced, both successful and unsuccessful, during my long involvement in Romani studies to reveal how and why I represented Roma, and what uses this scholarship served. Calling for a “reflexive turn” in Romani Studies, I note that while self-examination of knowledge production is useful for all researchers, for nonRoma it is mandatory because historically non-Roma have held more authority. Embracing “critical whiteness” theory, I examine my privileged roles and my attempts at collaborative advocacy. Tracing a historical trajectory of shifting subjectivities, I narrate several crises, such as balancing essentialism with advocacy, respectfully presenting Romani music, and combining diplomacy with activism to illustrate dilemmas of representation that I have faced and the responses I crafted. These issues all underline the responsibility that non-Romani allies have in accounting for their words and actions.


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