אמת ou αληθεια? JESUS COMO A ENCARNAÇÃO DA VERDADE NA HISTÓRIA E O FIM DO RELATIVISMO MORAL

2021 ◽  
pp. 70-83
Author(s):  
Fernando dos Santos Lopes

A tese de que não existe verdade moral absoluta é contestada por meio da distinção entre Emet, Veritas e Aletheia. O não conhecimento do significado de cada um desses conceitos, aliado à criação ao longo da história de um quartum genus a partir dos mesmos, deu causa a uma crise no pensamento moderno, de onde emerge a tese do relativismo moral. A existência dos chamados conflitos de deveres, a exemplo do dever entre mentir e salvar a vida de um inocente, que foi discutido, por exemplo, por Immanuel Kant e Benjamin Constant, reforça a tese relativista de que em alguns casos mentir é correto. Contudo, a descrição de Jesus Cristo contida no evangelho de João como sendo a encarnação da verdade na história, põe fim à possibilidade de existência epistemológica do relativismo moral, na medida em que ao concretizar o conceito de Emet em sua pessoa, Cristo demonstra que a verdade jamais entra em contradição com a justiça.

Kant-Studien ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 110 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-392
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Prokob

Abstract Kant’s emphasis on the immorality of lying even to a murderer at the door who is asking about a victim hidden inside has drawn criticism ever since. The example originally given by Constant has been read as the thread of morality by totalitarian ruthlessness. In order to defend the importance of Kant’s moral philosophy, many critics have tried to update his position by taking into account the threat of modern totalitarianism. Nonetheless, this article tries to argue that Kant is right, especially since the rise of post-truth politics. Sincerity towards oneself and towards others remains the basis of democracy: we have to admit what seems to be the truth regardless of our feelings about it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (51) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
Gabriel Afonso Campos

Em uma tentativa de contribuir para um resgate do pensamento constantiano de forma completa, o trabalho pretende explorar a Filosofia da História de Benjamin Constant demostrando os pontos de convergência entre ela e o pensamento de Immanuel Kant. Percebe-se que Constant utiliza-se do princípio da igualdade como forma de interpretar a História, enquanto Kant se utiliza da liberdade para tal. O ideal buscado por ambos, contudo, aproxima-se de uma sociedade simultaneamente livre e igual.  


Author(s):  
Immanuel Kant ◽  
Henry Allison ◽  
Peter Heath ◽  
Gary Hatfield ◽  
Michael Friedman
Keyword(s):  

1982 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 431-432
Author(s):  
John C. Marshall
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
John Marmysz

This introductory chapter examines the “problem” of nihilism, beginning with its philosophical origins in the ideas of Plato, Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger. It is argued that film is an inherently nihilistic medium involving the evocation of illusory worlds cut loose from objective reality. This nihilism of film is distinguished from nihilism in film; the nihilistic content also present in some (but not all) movies. Criticisms of media nihilism by authors such as Thomas Hibbs and Darren Ambrose are examined. It is then argued, contrary to such critics, that cinematic nihilism is not necessarily degrading or destructive. Because the nihilism of film encourages audiences to linger in the presence of nihilism in film, cinematic nihilism potentially trains audiences to learn the positive lessons of nihilism while remaining safely detached from the sorts of dangers depicted on screen.


Author(s):  
Susan Brophy

Agamben’s complicated engagement with Immanuel Kant celebrates the brilliance of the German idealist’s thought by disclosing its condemnatory weight in Western philosophy. Kant was writing in the midst of burgeoning industrial capitalism, when each new scientific discovery seemed to push back the fog of religion in favour of science and reason; meanwhile Agamben’s work develops in concert with the crises of advanced capitalism and borrows significantly from those philosophers who endured the most demoralising upheavals of the first half of the twentieth century. Whatever lanugo Kant was eager for us to shed in the name of individual freedom,1 Agamben sees in this crusade for civic maturity a surprising prescience: ‘[I]t is truly astounding how Kant, almost two centuries ago and under the heading of a sublime “moral feeling,” was able to describe the very condition that was to become familiar to the mass societies and great totalitarian states of our time’ (HS 52). To a remarkable extent, Agamben finds that Kant’s transcendental idealist frame of thought lays the philosophical foundation for the state of exception.


Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu

Political moderation is the touchstone of democracy, which could not function without compromise and bargaining, yet it is one of the most understudied concepts in political theory. How can we explain this striking paradox? Why do we often underestimate the virtue of moderation? Seeking to answer these questions, this book examines moderation in modern French political thought and sheds light on the French Revolution and its legacy. The book begins with classical thinkers who extolled the virtues of a moderate approach to politics, such as Aristotle and Cicero. It then shows how Montesquieu inaugurated the modern rebirth of this tradition by laying the intellectual foundations for moderate government. The book looks at important figures such as Jacques Necker, Germaine de Staël, and Benjamin Constant, not only in the context of revolutionary France but throughout Europe. It traces how moderation evolves from an individual moral virtue into a set of institutional arrangements calculated to protect individual liberty, and explores the deep affinity between political moderation and constitutional complexity. The book demonstrates how moderation navigates between political extremes, and it challenges the common notion that moderation is an essentially conservative virtue, stressing instead its eclectic nature. Drawing on a broad range of writings in political theory, the history of political thought, philosophy, and law, the book reveals how the virtue of political moderation can address the profound complexities of the world today.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seth Oppong

Generally, negatives stereotypes have been shown to have negative impact on performance members of a social group that is the target of the stereotype (Schmader, Johns and Forbes 2008; Steele and Aronson, 1995). It is against the background of this evidence that this paper argues that the negative stereotypes of perceived lower intelligence held against Africans has similar impact on the general development of the continent. This paper seeks to challenge this stereotype by tracing the source of this negative stereotype to David Hume and Immanuel Kant and showing the initial errors they committed which have influenced social science knowledge about race relations. Hume and Kant argue that Africans are naturally inferior to white or are less intelligent and support their thesis with their contrived evidence that there has never been any civilized nation other than those developed by white people nor any African scholars of eminence. Drawing on Anton Wilhelm Amo’s negligence-ignorance thesis, this paper shows the Hume-Kantian argument and the supporting evidence to be fallacious. 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document