Nation of Islam Womanhood, 1960–1975

Author(s):  
Ula Yvette Taylor

This chapter explores how black women experienced the Nation of Islam during the call for Black Power. Blues singer Etta James, Minister Louis X (later Farrakhan), Minister Malcolm X, heavy weight boxer Muhammad Ali, and Belinda Boyd (wife of Muhammad Ali) frame the radicalization of the movement. Courtship, birth control, and the pressures to build a patriarchal black nation highlight why some women engaged in trumping patriarchy, in the service of supporting nationhood goals.

Author(s):  
Mark Newman

The popular media often illustrate black nationalism with images of Malcolm X and black leather-jacketed, Afro-wearing, armed Black Panthers in the 1960s, and, in later decades, Louis Farrakhan and hip-hop artists such as Public Enemy. Although historians disagree about black nationalism’s composition and origins, they argue that it has a long pedigree in American history, traceable at least to the first half of the 19th century, if not earlier. While men were most often black nationalism’s public exponents, and some emphasized manhood and female subordination, black nationalism also appealed to many black women, some of whom also exercised leadership and organizational skills in its service. Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican, led the first mass black nationalist organization in the United States, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), during the 1920s. Like 19th-century black nationalists, Garvey advocated an independent state for people of African descent, black uplift, and the “civilizing” of Africa. Although not original to him, his emphasis on the right to self-defense, independent black economic development, and pride in African history boosted the UNIA’s popularity. Garvey fell victim to state oppression in the United States, but some former Garveyites joined the Moorish Science Temple of America (MSTA) and probably also the Nation of Islam (NOI), both of which rejected Christianity, identified blacks as Asiatics, and adopted particularist interpretations of Islam. In the 1950s and 1960s, Malcolm X, the charismatic son of Garveyite parents, became the Nation’s chief recruiter. Personal differences with Elijah Muhammad, the Nation’s leader since the 1930s, eventually led to Malcolm X’s departure in 1964. Although he was assassinated in 1965, Malcolm X’s calls for armed self-defense, self-determination and black pride, and identification with anticolonial struggles heavily influenced Black Power advocates. Some civil rights organizations and workers, who were disillusioned by intransigent white racism and distrustful of white liberals, championed Black Power, which was multifaceted and sometimes more reformist than nationalist. In the early 1990s, polls suggested that black nationalist ideas were more popular than during their supposed heyday in the late 1960s, before internal dissension and state repression undermined many Black Power groups.


Free the Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Edward Onaci

This chapter focuses primarily on the ideas behind and the practice of naming. It argues that name choices are the most fundamental form of individual and group self-determination developed by New Afrikans (and Black Power activists more generally). This chapter historicizes black naming practices in the United States, covering their importance from the era of racial slavery to the moments when Nation of Islam and Malcolm X, among others, were helping instil Black pride in mid-twentieth century African Americans. Specifically, it examines the ways that individual and group names, identity, cartography, and orthography became effective tools for the mechanics of liberation struggle. Taken for granted by both the name studies scholarship and histories of the Black Power Movement, this consideration of naming encourages scholars and activists to think more deeply and critically about the value of politically conscious naming practices.


Author(s):  
Ula Yvette Taylor

This chapter explores the Nation of Islam conversion of activists Sonia Sanchez and Gwendolyn Simmons, after the assassination of Minister Malcolm X. Why political activists found a political home in the Nation post-1965 underscores how the Nation filled a vacuum as a Black Power alternative. Believers wanted the promises of wealth and protection, and the University of Islam evidenced the building of an independent Nation and it served to ground the movement’s teachings to children. Sonsyrea Tate’s schooling underscores how girls and teenagers were made into Muslim women for a Black Nation. The remaking of women into an Islamic womanhood at times clashed with revolutionary change.


Author(s):  
Garrett Felber

In most histories of Black Power, as the Black Nationalist, anticolonial, and anticarceral frameworks developed by the Nation of Islam throughout the civil rights period shifted from margin to center, the Nation of Islam itself inexplicably recedes from view. This chapter highlights the continuity between these ideas, formations, and strategies and the period in which they flourished and spread belies state narratives of nihilism, rupture, and disorder, which served to justify further carceral buildup. From the creation of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, to Watts, to the mysteries surrounding the assassination of Malcolm X, the chapter looks to the longer history of activism and anti-carceral thought launched by the Nation of Islam during the 1960s and afterward.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Laura Warren Hill

This chapter documents several brutal clashes between African Americans and the police, which engendered a loose coalition of Black organizations and a number of sympathetic white ministers. It recounts the Rochester cases that garnered significant attention, while police clashes occurred throughout most cities in the postwar era. It also mentions a case where the US Justice Department interceded and another case where the famed Nation of Islam leader Malcolm X joined the protest efforts. The chapter argues that police brutality became a salient issue for a broad cross section of the Black community, which included ministers who cultivated and promoted a unified response. It talks about the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) that worked closely with Malcolm X and local Nation of Islam leaders to organize a unity rally, chastising the Rochester branch for consorting with reputed Black separatists.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1033-1059
Author(s):  
Garrett Felber

Abstract Malcolm X participated in over thirty speaking engagements at prominent colleges and universities between 1960 and 1963. His popularity on campuses coincided with a new epoch of civil rights struggle as students became involved in Freedom Rides and sit-in campaigns to desegregate lunch counters and interstate travel. Most invitations were debates on the topic “Integration or Separation?” which pitted Malcolm against an integrationist opponent. The insertion of racial separatism into a discourse that took integration as an unquestioned aim of the movement pushed students to question and defend their own understandings of racial liberalism. Nearly a dozen invitations were extended by NAACP student chapters that had been revitalized amid the new flurry of student involvement. Years before the founding of the first Black Student Union (BSU) at San Francisco State, these chapters were far more ideologically diverse and active than their forbearers, and often invited Malcolm X to speak out of a commitment to students’ rights to free speech and academic freedom. When administrations blocked and cancelled his visits, students became politicized around issues of academic liberties, thereby situating the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X at the nexus of early debates within the student free speech movement. These became part of the early challenge to university paternalism. While these debates and lectures have often been discussed individually, this essay looks at their cumulative effect by situating them during the emergence of student radicalism on campus and the growth of youth participation in the civil rights movement.


Author(s):  
Christina Greene

Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X are the names that come to mind for most Americans if asked about the civil rights or Black Power movements. Others may point to Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, both of whom backed pathbreaking civil rights legislation. However, recent scholarship suggests that neither black male leaders nor white male presidents were always the most important figures in the modern struggle for black freedom. Presidents took their cues not simply from male luminaries in civil rights organizations. Rather, their legislative initiatives were largely in response to grassroots protests in which women, especially black women, were key participants. African American women played major roles in local and national organizing efforts and frequently were the majority in local chapters of groups as dissimilar as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Black Panther Party. Even familiar names like Rosa Parks and Coretta Scott King have become little more than sanitized national icons, while their decades-long efforts to secure racial, economic, and gender justice remain relatively unknown. Aside from activists and scholars, even fewer of us know much, if anything, about the female allies of the black freedom struggle, including white southerners as well as other women of color. A closer look at the women who made enormous contributions to both the modern civil rights and Black Power movements sheds new light on these struggles, including the historic national victories we think we fully understand, such as the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. In short, examining women’s participation in the “long civil rights movement,” which historians increasingly date to the New Deal and World War II, calls for a redefinition of more conventional notions of leadership, protest, and politics.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document