The Appeal of Black Nationalism and the Promise of Prosperity

Author(s):  
Ula Yvette Taylor

This chapter explores the Nation of Islam conversion of activists Sonia Sanchez and Gwendolyn Simmons, after the assassination of Minister Malcolm X. Why political activists found a political home in the Nation post-1965 underscores how the Nation filled a vacuum as a Black Power alternative. Believers wanted the promises of wealth and protection, and the University of Islam evidenced the building of an independent Nation and it served to ground the movement’s teachings to children. Sonsyrea Tate’s schooling underscores how girls and teenagers were made into Muslim women for a Black Nation. The remaking of women into an Islamic womanhood at times clashed with revolutionary change.

Author(s):  
Mark Newman

The popular media often illustrate black nationalism with images of Malcolm X and black leather-jacketed, Afro-wearing, armed Black Panthers in the 1960s, and, in later decades, Louis Farrakhan and hip-hop artists such as Public Enemy. Although historians disagree about black nationalism’s composition and origins, they argue that it has a long pedigree in American history, traceable at least to the first half of the 19th century, if not earlier. While men were most often black nationalism’s public exponents, and some emphasized manhood and female subordination, black nationalism also appealed to many black women, some of whom also exercised leadership and organizational skills in its service. Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican, led the first mass black nationalist organization in the United States, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), during the 1920s. Like 19th-century black nationalists, Garvey advocated an independent state for people of African descent, black uplift, and the “civilizing” of Africa. Although not original to him, his emphasis on the right to self-defense, independent black economic development, and pride in African history boosted the UNIA’s popularity. Garvey fell victim to state oppression in the United States, but some former Garveyites joined the Moorish Science Temple of America (MSTA) and probably also the Nation of Islam (NOI), both of which rejected Christianity, identified blacks as Asiatics, and adopted particularist interpretations of Islam. In the 1950s and 1960s, Malcolm X, the charismatic son of Garveyite parents, became the Nation’s chief recruiter. Personal differences with Elijah Muhammad, the Nation’s leader since the 1930s, eventually led to Malcolm X’s departure in 1964. Although he was assassinated in 1965, Malcolm X’s calls for armed self-defense, self-determination and black pride, and identification with anticolonial struggles heavily influenced Black Power advocates. Some civil rights organizations and workers, who were disillusioned by intransigent white racism and distrustful of white liberals, championed Black Power, which was multifaceted and sometimes more reformist than nationalist. In the early 1990s, polls suggested that black nationalist ideas were more popular than during their supposed heyday in the late 1960s, before internal dissension and state repression undermined many Black Power groups.


Free the Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Edward Onaci

This chapter focuses primarily on the ideas behind and the practice of naming. It argues that name choices are the most fundamental form of individual and group self-determination developed by New Afrikans (and Black Power activists more generally). This chapter historicizes black naming practices in the United States, covering their importance from the era of racial slavery to the moments when Nation of Islam and Malcolm X, among others, were helping instil Black pride in mid-twentieth century African Americans. Specifically, it examines the ways that individual and group names, identity, cartography, and orthography became effective tools for the mechanics of liberation struggle. Taken for granted by both the name studies scholarship and histories of the Black Power Movement, this consideration of naming encourages scholars and activists to think more deeply and critically about the value of politically conscious naming practices.


Author(s):  
Ula Yvette Taylor

This chapter explores how black women experienced the Nation of Islam during the call for Black Power. Blues singer Etta James, Minister Louis X (later Farrakhan), Minister Malcolm X, heavy weight boxer Muhammad Ali, and Belinda Boyd (wife of Muhammad Ali) frame the radicalization of the movement. Courtship, birth control, and the pressures to build a patriarchal black nation highlight why some women engaged in trumping patriarchy, in the service of supporting nationhood goals.


Author(s):  
Garrett Felber

In most histories of Black Power, as the Black Nationalist, anticolonial, and anticarceral frameworks developed by the Nation of Islam throughout the civil rights period shifted from margin to center, the Nation of Islam itself inexplicably recedes from view. This chapter highlights the continuity between these ideas, formations, and strategies and the period in which they flourished and spread belies state narratives of nihilism, rupture, and disorder, which served to justify further carceral buildup. From the creation of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, to Watts, to the mysteries surrounding the assassination of Malcolm X, the chapter looks to the longer history of activism and anti-carceral thought launched by the Nation of Islam during the 1960s and afterward.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Ridley

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the role of Muslim women in economic activities. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is a historical account on the important role played by Muslim women in business and governance during the Islamic formative years. Findings – While women in the West still struggle with the rights to equal position and pay till today, Islamic teaching provides Muslim women with the rights to earn and spend as they wished as well as selected to lead economic activities based on their personal merit and wisdom. Practical implications – The paper highlights that Islamic Sharia does not discriminate Muslim women economically nor socially as often portrayed in the Western media. Islam outlines the specific rights and obligations of men and women to ensure development of a healthy society. Social implications – Society should appreciate that Islamic Sharia work out favourably for women. They are trusted to lead based on their own merit and wisdom and not for their beauty. Originality/value – This is a keynote speech delivered at the Islamic Perspective of Accounting, Finance, Economics and Management (IPAFEM) 2015 conference: 7th-9th April, Adam Smith Business School, The University of Glasgow – on the economic role played by early Muslim women.


Author(s):  
Ian Rocksborough-Smith

Chapter 5 of this book looks at how the DuSable Museum conducted its expansion and physical development in the Black Power era. The museum’s relocation to Washington Park, next to the University of Chicago, reimagined a historically African American social space and neighborhood in the city’s geography and can be considered alongside the highly diverse engagements of Black Power and black arts movement activists around the country with civic-level politics. The politics this expansion effort brought into play also demonstrate how museum work became a significant part of local movements for urban racial equality through the 1960s and early 1970s, a process that further reflected growing interest in African American history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Laura Warren Hill

This chapter documents several brutal clashes between African Americans and the police, which engendered a loose coalition of Black organizations and a number of sympathetic white ministers. It recounts the Rochester cases that garnered significant attention, while police clashes occurred throughout most cities in the postwar era. It also mentions a case where the US Justice Department interceded and another case where the famed Nation of Islam leader Malcolm X joined the protest efforts. The chapter argues that police brutality became a salient issue for a broad cross section of the Black community, which included ministers who cultivated and promoted a unified response. It talks about the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) that worked closely with Malcolm X and local Nation of Islam leaders to organize a unity rally, chastising the Rochester branch for consorting with reputed Black separatists.


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