Empire of Commerce and Science

Author(s):  
Jason W. Smith

This chapter examines the voyage of the United States Exploration Expedition, 1838-1842, focusing specifically on its hydrographic survey of the Fiji Islands in the summer of 1840. The coral reef-infested waters of the Fijis were among the most notorious in the Euro-American maritime world. They had long been ill-charted, and the Fijians themselves were widely rumored to be cannibals. This chapter argues that the American expedition sought to impose order on this dangerous marine environment through its hydrographic surveying, a fidelity to the precision of their methods, and, if necessary, by using the military power of this scientific expedition. Throughout the survey, the Americans’ faith in the precision of their work and the charts that derived from them was continually undermined by the agency of the marine environment and by the Fijian people themselves. Even as the American sought to open this ocean wilderness to expanding American trade in the islands by bringing order not just to the surrounding waters but to the cultural practice of Fijian cannibalism in a wide-ranging survey, they nevertheless had to resort to both science and violence when two American officers were attacked and killed.

Ethnohistory ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-664
Author(s):  
Jacob J. Sauer

Abstract At the northern and southern ends of the Spanish “Empire,” two cultures of similar sociopolitical complexity violently removed Spanish invaders from their ancestral territory. The Che of southern Chile militarily engaged the Spanish in the mid-sixteenth century and eventually forced the Spanish to abandon their colonization attempts. The Puebloans of the southwestern United States also forced the Spanish to flee from Puebloan territory in 1680, but by 1696, Puebloan territories returned to Spanish hegemony. This article compares some of the reasons why the Che maintained independence for more than 350 years while Puebloan independence lasted 16, examining the military power networks of the Che and Puebloans and the timing of resistance to Spanish incursion. These comparisons highlight some of the diverse reactions of foreign groups and how connections between peoples affect how individuals and communities react to outside influences.


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-215
Author(s):  
Kathryn E. Stoner

This chapter examines Russia’s renewed defensive and offensive capabilities. It defines hard power as conventional and nuclear forces. The chapter compares Russian military power to that of the United States and China. The material in this chapter demonstrates that Russia has rebuilt and modernized its hard power resources considerably since the 2008 military reform. In some areas, by 2020, Russia was capable of seriously challenging NATO’s combined capabilities. The chapter covers the New Look military reforms that began in 2008 in Russia. It looks also at Russian spending on the military in dollar and ruble terms in order to get a more complete understanding of how much Russia actually spends compared to the United States and China. It provides a detailed overview of Russia’s existing conventional capabilities in land, sea, and air, as well as comparative nuclear upgrades.


Worldview ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-15
Author(s):  
Philip M. Klutznick

I welcome an opportunity to briefly examine Walt Rostow's contention that we are at a watershed. I am inclined to accept the generic proposition, although it will become apparent that the premises with which we support the conclusion differ.Vietnam can well be the last great confrontation of the postwar era if we learn the lessons of Vietnam as well as others of recent years. Vietnam is providing an excellent modern example of the limitations of enormous military power. In another area, the Kennedy round, which was completed some months ago, there is also provided a classic example of the limitations of enormous economic power. If the people of the United States and especially its leadership can profit from the experiences of recent months on the military and economic fronts, then Mr. Rostow's thesis that we are at a watershed should prove valid. If we fail to understand or misinterpret what is happening, then it is possible that Mr. Washburn and the new generation are in for the kind of difficulties that could arise from a major decline in the affluence and influence of the United States. Naturally, every American might selfishly view such a prospect with great concern; I am sufficiently chauvinistic about our nation's potential for good that I view it with alarm for the world as a whole.


TEME ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1141
Author(s):  
Veljko Blagojevic

When considering the military power of the United States, it is necessary to distinguish military force and military power. Military force represents an organization that is equipped and trained to use force. America is clearly the largest military power in the world, and that is a fact. However, the term military power is significantly wider than that of the military force. It also includes elements related to the threat of using force and many other activities related to the involvement of military force in contemporary international relations, including international defense cooperation, military-technical cooperation, the purchase and sale of weapons and military equipment, and more. The paper focuses on this exact segment of military power, understood as a willingness to engage the US military force outside their national territory. The aim of the paper is to describe the evolution of the United States’ strategic thought regarding military power as a foreign policy instrument by analyzing the key processes in specific historical conditions from their independence to modern times. The results of this analysis will represent valuable indicators for a future role of military power in the US foreign policy in terms of potential conflicts for the preservation of global hegemony.


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