Pirates, Black Soldiers, and the War under Jackson

Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In 1813, as Claiborne struggled to build a militia to defend against the British in the War of 1812, he also had to deal with slave-smuggling French pirates, led by half-brothers Pierre and John Laffite. When the U.S. declared war on the British in 1812, the Madison administration ordered Andrew Jackson to go to New Orleans with an army of volunteers, before recalling him to Tennessee. Claiborne wrote to Louisiana’s congressional delegation for support, as he had difficulties finding enough men because New Orleans lacked a coherent American identity and allegiance for which to fight. After returning to Tennessee, Jackson was wounded in several duels and participated in a military campaign against the Creek. On August 24, 1814, the British attacked Washington D.C. and set fire to the Capitol. As New Orleans prepared for war, Jean Laffite negotiated with Claiborne and Jackson, who eventually agreed to grant the pirates clemency in exchange for military aid. Lawyer Edward Livingston helped Jackson prepare New Orleans for war. The citizens rallied under Jackson, with pirates and the black militia joining the war effort. New Orleans fended off two British attacks. The War of 1812 ended with the signing of the Treaty of Ghent.

2018 ◽  
pp. 40-44
Author(s):  
Eric M. Freedman

Utilizing primarily cases from the War of 1812, this Chapter illustrates the power and limitations of the writ in restraining government. Positive examples include state habeas challenges to military enlistments in the period prior to Tarble’s Case and Ableman v. Booth, including one decided in the Massachusetts Supreme Court against General Thomas H. Cushing, and New York Chief Justice James Kent’s order that General Morgan Lewis release alleged spy Samuel Stacy. Negative ones include the defiance of the writ by General Andrew Jackson in the period surrounding the Battle of New Orleans. Events began with the expulsion of French counsel Louis de Tousard. When Louisiana legislator Louis Louailler protested, Jackson had him arrested. Lawyer Pierre L. Morel sought habeas corpus from Louisiana Supreme Court Justice Francois-Xavier Martin (denied) and prohibition and habeas corpus from federal Judge Dominick A. Hall (latter granted). Jackson arrested Hall. When United States Attorney John Dick obtained a state habeas writ Jackson arrested Dick and ordered the judge’s arrest. Jackson was fined by Hall for contempt but ultimately reimbursed by Congress. George Washington respected the writ but it was ever vulnerable to defiance, evasion or legislative suspension. Although valuable, it could not be relied on exclusively.


Author(s):  
Brandon Lee Harrison

Despite their importance to the maritime war effort, American privateers and letter-of-marques are often overlooked by historians concerned with the War of 1812. Although they did not represent a formal branch of the American naval force, they served to inflict more damage on British commerce than the entire United States Navy combined. These men risked their lives by sailing against the world's most formidable naval force. Countless men lost their lives aboard American privateers and others saw their livelihoods (ships) destroyed at the hands of the British. The question of why these men chose to engage in such a perilous activity has perplexed historians for decades. This paper looks to cast new light on the subject, revealing the often overlooked power money has to encourage these men's participation in an otherwise perilous activity.Professor: Dr. Renée Lafferty-SalhanyCourse: HIST 4P10Grade Recieved: 92%


Author(s):  
Kenneth Kolander

The U.S.-Israel relationship that most people recognize today, which includes enormous amounts of U.S. military aid to Israel, a powerful strategic alliance, and an American willingness to acquiesce to Israeli occupation of certain Arab territories taken in 1967, came into existence between 1967 and 1975. The U.S. Congress played a key role in shaping American-Israeli relations during this period (as it does today) and, therefore, occupies a central place in this book. No book-length treatment of U.S.-Israel relations focuses primarily on the role of Congress. The imbalance in the scholarly perspective has created a misleading narrative that treats the legislative branch as being incidental to foreign policymaking. But in the years between the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and the 1975 Sinai II agreement, an activist Congress, empowered by the quagmire in East Asia and popular distrust of the presidency, and increasingly influenced by the Israel lobby, played a central role in reworking U.S.-Israel relations, and U.S. relations with the Middle East more generally.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey R. Kerr-Ritchie

In November 1841, the U.S. slaver Creole transporting 135 slaves from Richmond to New Orleans was seized by nineteen slave rebels who steered the ship to the British Bahamas, where all secured their liberation. Drawing from this well-known story as a point of departure, this chapter examines the understudied maritime dimensions of British free soil policies in the nineteenth century, with a particular emphasis on how such policies affected the U.S. domestic slave trade and slave revolts at sea. In contrast to the more familiar narrative of south-to-north fugitive slave migration, this chapter sheds light on international south-to-south migration routes from the U.S. South to the circum-Caribbean.


Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In the 1790s, as planters sold off land for faubourgs, or neighborhoods, New Orleans branched out. One such neighborhood was founded by Claude Tremé. Antonio de Sedella clashed with the vicar Rev. Patrick Walsh and his replacement Rev. John Olivier. Sedella became the elected pastor of St. Louis Cathedral, leading the one institution where people voluntarily gathered across the color line. Governor William C.C. Claiborne, a lawyer-turned-politician, governed a divided city. Conflicts arose between the French and American cultures, the black militia and white elite, and between Claiborne himself and his opponents. Faced with an influx of Haitian refugees, including whites, free people of color, and slaves, Claiborne faced the challenge of providing for the refugees deemed free while establishing the status of those the refugees considered as slaves. Many refugees who were legally free in Haiti became slaves in New Orleans. A slave revolt, with an estimated 500 rebels, broke out in 1811. Claiborne sent the local militia to put down the insurrection. Close to 100 of the rebels were killed. Advocates for statehood argued that Louisiana should join the U.S., and by admitting Louisiana in 1812, the U.S. cemented itself to a slave economy.


Author(s):  
John B. Hattendorf

This chapter provides an overview of recent scholarship on the Royal Navy’s economic blockade of the United States between 1812 and 1815. The article shows how the combination of British naval forces and privateers slowly strangled the American economy and nearly immobilized the U.S. Navy. Despite the Royal Navy’s very successful application of economic warfare, it was not decisive. Due to financial exhaustion following the Napoleonic wars, Parliament would not support the naval and military funding necessary to impose the harsh peace terms for which economic warfare had laid the foundation.


Author(s):  
Jonathon Keats

There’s an apocryphal story, still in circulation, that the word OK was made up by President Andrew Jackson. According to the tale, Jackson used the letters when he was a major general in the War of 1812, marking his approval on papers with initials abbreviating the words oll korrect . “The Gen. was never good at spelling,” the Boston Atlas dryly concluded, recounting the story in August 1840. By that time Old Hickory, as Jackson was known, had served his eight years as president, and his successor, Martin Van Buren, was running for a second term. A native of Kinderhook, New York, Van Buren appealed to the Jacksonian vote with the nickname Old Kinderhook, using the initials O. K. as a political slogan. His Whig Party rivals sought, successfully, to turn his populist appeal into a liability by calling attention to Jackson’s alleged semiliteracy. By a sort of logical doggerel endemic in American politics, Old Kinderhook’s slogan became a symbol of his ignorance. The true origin of OK , as the American lexicographer Allen Walker Read skillfully uncovered in 1963, was much closer to the Atlas’s editorial offices. The letters did stand for oll korrect, but the spelling was no accident. The coinage almost certainly came from the waggish editor of the Boston Morning Post , Charles Gordon Greene, who was at the center of what Read characterizes as “a remarkable vogue of using abbreviations” beginning in the year 1838. The Morning Post was full of them, generally used with a touch of irony, as in the mock dignity of O.F.M. (our first men), or a fit of whimsy, as in the pure zaniness of G.T. (gone to Texas). It was only a matter of months before the fad turned to creative misspelling, a source of humor then as it was in Mark Twain’s time. There was N.C. (nuff said) and N.Y. (no yuse), as well as O.W. (oll wright). The first known appearance of OK followed that pattern.


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