America's Israel

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kolander
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Strategic Alliance ◽  
Central Place ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The U.S.-Israel relationship that most people recognize today, which includes enormous amounts of U.S. military aid to Israel, a powerful strategic alliance, and an American willingness to acquiesce to Israeli occupation of certain Arab territories taken in 1967, came into existence between 1967 and 1975. The U.S. Congress played a key role in shaping American-Israeli relations during this period (as it does today) and, therefore, occupies a central place in this book. No book-length treatment of U.S.-Israel relations focuses primarily on the role of Congress. The imbalance in the scholarly perspective has created a misleading narrative that treats the legislative branch as being incidental to foreign policymaking. But in the years between the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and the 1975 Sinai II agreement, an activist Congress, empowered by the quagmire in East Asia and popular distrust of the presidency, and increasingly influenced by the Israel lobby, played a central role in reworking U.S.-Israel relations, and U.S. relations with the Middle East more generally.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF THE MIDDLE EAST INVESTMEN INITIATIVE (MEII) IN DEVELOPMENT IN THE WEST BANK, PALESTINE IN THE U.S.-PALESTINE PARTNERSHIP (UPP) FRAMEWORK

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Presya Ramadhan
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Public Private Partnership ◽  
The West ◽  
Private Partnership ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Private Sector Investment ◽  
The U.S

This paper examines the role of Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) in development in the West Bank, Palestine in the U.S.-Palestine Partnership (UPP) framework. Answering the question of how the role of the Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) in development in Palestine in the US-Palestine Partnership (UPP) framework and how the contribution of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) to development in Palestine, the author's thesis statement is that amid diplomatic and territorial disputes, The Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) as a public-private partnership becomes the main channel for collecting and channeling development assistance such as resources and private sector investment that can benefit the West Bank and bring prosperity to people Palestinians. While the private sector such as the Middle East Investment Initiative (MEII) cannot do much to address diplomacy or security issues, the private sector can play an equally important role through the contribution of resources and investment to conflict areas such as Palestine to help economic development In the West Bank, Palestine.

scholarly journals The Role of the U.S. in Terrorism in the Middle East

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Sadegh Piri ◽  
Ali Yavar Piri
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Geographical Region ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Widespread Phenomenon ◽  
Regional Factors ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Development And Evolution ◽  
The U.S

Terrorism is a widespread phenomenon with a long history reflecting broad and contradictory points of view. This phenomenon has wide aspects occurring in different ways which is not belonging to a specific geographical region. Though, undoubtedly, the prevalence of terrorism in a particular area, e.g. the Middle East indicates the true potential of this given region for emergence and existence of this phenomenon. This paper tries to show the role of foreign countries, i.e. the U.S., besides exploring regional factors contributing to development and evolution of terrorism in the Middle Eater.

scholarly journals Religion and Peace in the Middle East

1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-338
Author(s):  
Mumtaz Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Interreligious Dialogue ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This slim volume is based on the three papers presented at the Councilfor the World’s Religions (CWR) conference on “Interreligious Dialogue andPeace in the Middle East” held in Toledo, Spain in March 1988. The conferencewas intended to discuss the role of religion in the pursuit of peace in theMiddle East.The volume begins with a paper on “Religion and Politics: Dangers andPossibilities for Peace in the Middle East” by Rabbi David J. Goldberg.Goldberg argues that the on going Arab-Israeli conflict is essentially politicaland not religious in its origin, its cause, and in the perception of those mostintimately involved. Hence, the resolution of conflict could only come froma concerted effort to find an acceptable and mutually beneficial geo-politicalhrmula which seeks to accommodate the just demands and needs of both parties.Any attempt to seek a solution only in “apocalyptic terms” would undoubtedlylead to more conflicts and wars. Goldberg claims that religious differencesdid not originally loom large as a source of conflict in the Middle East.This may be true before 1967. But since the Israeli occupation of El-Quds,the religious dimension of the Arab-Israeli conflict has become equally, ifnot more, important than the political dimension. For Muslims throughoutthe world, the constant reminder that one of the three holiest places in theirreligious tradition is out of their reach cuts a deep psychological wound.Rabbi Goldberg believes that common to the three monotheistic faiths ofthe Middle East are “certain shared principles” that govern ethical behavior,recognize the rights of other people, and determine responsibilities ofgovernments. The logic of acknowledging and re-affirming these sharedprinciples may open new possibilities of conflict resolution and mutualunderstanding. Goldberg states: “As a Jew, therefore, I have no hesitationin asserting that the Palestinian right to self-determination is just as validas my insistence on Jewish self-determination.”Farhang Rajaee’s paper on “Religion and Politics in Islam: The IranianContext” is an important attempt to understand “the internal logic” of Islamwith regard to religion and politics or the relations between the secular andthe sacred. Rajaee argues that the aim of politics in Islam is identified withreligion. Seeing Islam as a systematic whole implies that “the distinctionand separation between various aspects of life make little sense.” Politics, ...

scholarly journals Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-144
Author(s):  
Taisiуa Rabush ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
East Region ◽  
The U.S

Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.

RMB Bloc in East Asia: Too Early to Talk About It?

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang Sik Kim ◽  
Sunghyun Kim ◽  
Yunjong Wang
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Positive Influence ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Varying Coefficients ◽  
Time Varying Coefficients ◽  
Trade Share ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

This paper investigates whether the Chinese RMB has become more influential (than the U.S. dollar) in determining the exchange rates of East Asian currencies in recent years. We use a regression method with time-varying coefficients to trace changes in coefficients over time. The empirical results show that the RMB's effects on East Asian currencies were near zero before 2008, but since then have significantly increased and taken over the role of the U.S. dollar in some countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines). In Singapore and Thailand, the RMB is still a non-factor. South Korea shows an interesting pattern, in that the role of the RMB swings over time, with an increase in the past couple of years. We conjecture that the trade share with China has a positive influence on the role of the RMB. In conclusion, given the small absolute value of the regression coefficient on RMB, although the RMB has attained a more significant status in the currency market, it is too early to talk about the creation of an RMB bloc in East Asia.

CONTEXTS, CONCEPTS AND CONTENTIONS: GENDER LEGISLATION AS POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Hawwa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mounira Charrad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Political Matter

AbstractDebates over gender relevant legislation such as family law have led to serious conflict in many periods of Middle Eastern history, especially in recent times. One way to understand the intensity of the current debates is to recognize that gender issues raise fundamental questions about the relationship between individual and society and the role of states. In this article I argue that, in considering gender relevant legislation in the Middle East, we need to develop a framework that is different from the paradigms anchored in the politics of western liberal democracies in the U.S. and Western Europe. The frame of reference I propose is built upon the following propositions. (1) We should treat gender legislation in the Middle East as an inherently political matter that goes to the heart of the organization of power. Such a perspective opens up the possibility of considering the role of multiple and complex political processes including pressures from below by social movements and top down reforms. (2) We need to reformulate the concepts of tradition and modernity that have pervaded the study of gender in the Islamic world. Tradition and modernity as two distinct, well-defined cultural forms should be dropped altogether. Instead, the discourses of tradition and modernity should be taken as political constructs and the following question should be asked: who benefits from each discourse in given political contexts? (3) The role of kin-based solidarities should be considered in the nexus of conflicts and alliances that shape the process of state formation. The individualistic model of politics in western liberal democracies has limited value for the understanding of political processes in the historical development of the Middle East. The focus should be instead on the role of identities based in communities that define themselves in collective and ascriptive terms of common kinship.

Palestine Unbound

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Publishedeach issue, this section strives to capture the tenorandcontentofpopular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict, which are held on dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Therefore, items presented in this section are from a variety of sources and have been selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend. Stories from this quarter (16 November 2019–15 February 2020) cover the world's reaction to U.S. president Donald Trump's proposed Middle East “peace plan”; solidarity gestures for Palestinian photojournalist Muath Amarneh, who was shot by Israeli forces while documenting a protest; and a story on the insidious normalization of Israeli occupation as it manifested in the U.S. gameshow Jeopardy! Trending hashtags this quarter are #PeaceSham and #EyeOfTruth.

The Role of the Security Council in the Use of Force against the ‘Islamic State’

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-99
Author(s):  
Priya Urs
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
International Law ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Do So

The destabilization of Iraq and Syria by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and Al Nusrah Front has ignited extensive global debate about how to quell the group’s territorial gains in the region, and, preferably, to do so in a manner that is compliant with international law. In June 2014, the isil proclaimed the formation of an Islamic caliphate, boasting swathes of territory straddling the border between Iraq and Syria. A growing number of States have joined forces in a United States-led coalition against the isil, with varying contributions including airstrikes, military aid and humanitarian assistance. The on-going crisis in the Middle East presents international lawyers with an opportunity to re-evaluate the system of collective security envisaged in the 1945 Charter of the United Nations. This article evaluates the Security Council’s approach in addressing the situation in the Middle East as an ongoing threat to international peace and security, focusing on three areas in which it may play significant roles: 1. its participation, if any, in the exercise of self-defence under Art. 51; 2. its authorization of forcible and non-forcible measures under Chapter vii; and 3. the enduring obligation of multilateral cooperation it imposes upon States in the context of terrorism.

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