The Evangelist

2019 ◽  
pp. 113-139
Author(s):  
Lorena Oropeza
Keyword(s):  
New Mexico ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Land Grant ◽  
Land Grants ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
Cultural Genocide ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Ownership Of Land

In New Mexico, Reies López Tijerina saw long-held aspirations—to secure a piece of land, to find ultimate justice, and even to establish and protect a cultural haven—hit fertile ground. Within two years of the 1963 Alianza Federal de Mercedes founding, he convinced thousands to join his new organization by spreading a three-part land-grant gospel that: 1) upheld Spanish colonial documents as a sign of legitimate ownership; 2) blasted American ownership of land grants as fraudulent; and 3) accused Americans not only of land theft but “cultural genocide.” Many land-poor Spanish-speakers in New Mexico responded to Tijerina’s fearless accusations and, as Tijerina turned to his preacher past, his religious allusions. Many shared his deep faith. More importantly, they bitterly recalled how their ancestors had once used the land without interference.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Lorena Oropeza
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Mexico ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Land Grant ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Childhood Poverty ◽  
Land Dispossession ◽  
Deep Sense ◽  
The U.S

On June 5, 1967, Reies López Tijerina and fellow land-grant activists, members of the Alianza Federal de Mercedes, conducted an armed raid on a courthouse in northern New Mexico to bring attention to their cause: redress for massive land dispossession among the region’s Spanish-speakers following the U.S. Mexico War.  While the Tierra Amarilla Courthouse Raid made Tijerina a hero to young activists within the emerging Chicano Movement, Tijerina’s ideas mattered as much as his actions. Drawing from a deep-sense of injustice rooted in childhood poverty and shaped by his years as a Pentecostalist preacher, Tijerina accused the United States of operating as a colonial power in New Mexico.

The Mexican

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-89
Author(s):  
Lorena Oropeza
Keyword(s):  
New Mexico ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Additional Research ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Land Grants ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Land Dispossession ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Law ◽  
The U.S

A fugitive from the law, Tijerina lived undercover in New Mexico for the next five years while his wife supported him and their six children. This time period amounted to a five-year sabbatical that gave him the time to understand American expansion as a bitter conquest that had robbed the region’s Spanish-speakers of their lands after the U.S.-Mexico War of 1846-1848 by violating the peace treaty that ended the war, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. He reached this conclusion after conducting additional research in Mexico and learning from nuevomexicanos, Spanish-speaking New Mexicans, whose families had experienced widespread land dispossession. In 1963, as the statute of limitations for his arrest drew near, Tijerina publicly founded the Alianza Federal de Mercedes (Federal Alliance of Land Grants,) whose purpose was to resurrect the 1848 treaty.

The Quaker, the Primitivist, and the Progressive: Three Cultural Brokers in New Mexico's Quest for Multicultural Harmony

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynne M. Getz
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
New Mexico ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Cultural Background ◽  
Cultural Brokers ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Good Will

New Mexicans pride themselves on their ability to bridge multicultural divides. Part of what we are urged to understand as “enchanting” about the Land of Enchantment is its diverse cultural background. Native American, Hispano, and Anglo have existed side by side, at times with remarkable harmony and good will, for nearly two centuries. The Land of Enchantment is not altogether a fantasy. Many New Mexicans have shown an uncanny ability to bridge ethnic divides and find common ground in the interstices between cultures. The soil of New Mexico seems to be fertile ground indeed for producing cultural brokers. Margaret Connell Szasz admits that living in New Mexico makes her particularly attuned to the role of the cultural broker.

Land Grants and Lawsuits in Northern New Mexico

1995 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Briggs ◽  
Malcolm Ebright
Keyword(s):  
New Mexico ◽  
Land Grants

Minor Dynasties of Early Mediaeval Bengal According to Epigraphical Data: the Dynasty of Varmans (ca. 1050-1125 AD)

2021 ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Alexander A. Stolyarov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Condition ◽  
Land Grant ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Land Grants ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Feudal Lord ◽  
Commodity Money ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Peace And War

The paper presents a description of the socio-political and economic condition of South-Eastern Bengal in a relatively short period at the cusp of the 11th and 12th centuries, when the dynasty of Varmans ruled there. It is based on the data contained in their inscriptions. Altogether the period of the dynasty's reign did not exceed ¾ century. During this time four rulers succeeded the throne, namely Jatavarman, his both sons – Harivarman and Samalavarman, and also Bhojavarman, the son of the latter. There are seven historical sources ascribed to the dynasty, among them two manuscripts and five inscriptions. These five inscriptions contain three land-grant charters, and two inscriptions on large objects. Three land-grant charters are compiled on behalf of Harivarman, Samalavarman and Bhojavarman, while two inscriptions on large objects are dated back to the reigns of Harivarman and Bhojavarman. The first two of the three charters are poorly preserved; therefore, they cannot be deciphered in full, only the charter of Bhojavarman can be read moderately well. Of the two inscriptions on large objects, one is a panegyric of Bhatta Bhavadeva, who was the minister of peace and war of Harivarman, and the other was compiled on behalf of a minor feudal lord during the reign of Bhojavarman The dynasty's charters show that Varmans were a ‘regional’ dynasty whose interests did not extend beyond Bengal. Their status allowed them to give land-grants on their own; at the same time, they may be considered as minor independent rulers who constitute the orbit of the regional hegemon – the Pāla dynasty. In turn, the inscriptions on large objects ascribed to the dynasty of Varmans speak for the existence of a system of the hierarchical administration in their principality, as well as the existence of developed commodity-money relations and intensive social and economic ties of the territories controlled by the Varman with the rest of Bengal as well as with other regions of not only India, but probably with more distant countries. It should also be emphasized that their inscriptions witness the earliest evidence of the presence of Muslims in Bengal.

“No Operation in an Academic Ivory Tower”: World War II and the Politics of Social Knowledge

2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher P. Loss
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Land Grant ◽  
World War ◽  
Land Grants ◽  
Freedmen's Bureau ◽  
War Department ◽  
Charles Tilly ◽  
Publicly Supported

America's sprawling system of colleges and universities has been built on the ruins of war. After the American Revolution the cash-strapped central government sold land grants to raise revenue and build colleges and schools in newly conquered lands. During the Civil War, the federal government built on this earlier precedent when it passed the 1862 Morrill Land-Grant College Act, which created the nation's system of publicly supported land-grant colleges. And during Reconstruction, the Freedmen's Bureau, operating under the auspices of the War Department, aided former slaves in creating thousands of schools to help protect their hard-fought freedoms. Not only do “wars make states,” as sociologist Charles Tilly claimed, but wars have also shaped the politics of knowledge in the modern university in powerful and lasting ways.

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