scholarly journals Post-conflict News and Information Needs of West African Farmers: Voices from Côte d’Ivoire and Mali

Author(s):  
Assoumane A. Maiga ◽  
M. Craig Edwards ◽  
Marshall A. Baker ◽  
D. Dwayne Cartmell II ◽  
Joel M. Jenswold

During the decades following the independence of Sub-Saharan African countries, many farmers were severely affected by armed conflicts. News and information providers could provide important support toward the economic recovery of these farmers and the rebuilding of their communities. This qualitative study sought to explore farmers’ perceptions on the role of media and other sources in disseminating news and information after armed conflicts ceased in Côte d’Ivoire and in Mali. The study involved 10 key informants, five from each country. Rigorous qualitative research procedures were used to collect and analyze the study’s data. Six themes emerged from the interviews. Farmers perceived the media were interested in reporting about their regions only during the conflicts. They also indicated the absence of Extension or other forms of rural advisory services during and after armed conflicts. However, all 10 key informants perceived the media could assist in recovery and rebuilding efforts and should deliver related information in their local languages as well as provide programs targeting women and youth. Recommendations for policy and practice are offered. In addition, topics are identified on which to train communicators and Extension/advisory agents to meet the information needs of farmers who experience the effects of armed conflict.

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Lyubov Sadovskaya

The article presents a new view on the problems of political stability in West African countries. For the first time was carried out a comparative analysis of the sustainability of the political systems of the two Francophone fastest growing countries in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. The author analyzes the factors negatively influencing political stability social order, and those that reduce conflict potencial in these States. Internal and external threats to the political systems of Senegal and Сôte d’Ivoire are examined. The response of both countries to internal and external challenges is shown. The study proves that while external threats indanger Senegal’s political stability, such as the penetration of religious extremism, the crisis in Casamance, maritime piracy, drug traffic, for Côte d’Ivoire, on the contrary, main risks are internal: electoral, socio-political crises, the split of elites, arms smuggling, banditry. The study demonstrates that the level of social governance in Senegal is higher than in other West African countries, including Сôte d’Ivoire, due to the dualism of the political system: the coexistence of Western-style political institutions with local faiths (tariqas), as well as policy pursued by President M. Sall. aimed at achieving mutual compromise that ensure the peaceful settlement of conflicts and contradictions. The author concludes that a new approach to the development of a security strategy is required.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Yao Kouadio Ange-Patrick ◽  
Drama Bédi Guy Hervé

This paper empirically examined the broad money demand function and its stability in two West African countries namely Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana covering the period of 1980 to 2015 using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Bounds testing procedure. The empirical results confirm the stability of the money demand function and support the choice of M2 as a viable instrument for policy implementation in both countries cited above. The study also demonstrates that a long-run relationship exists between money aggregate (M2) and its determinants during the study period. In fact, the real income tends to be the most significant factor explaining the demand for broad money in both countries. In addition, the overall short run estimation of our model is statistically significant for Cote d’Ivoire and insignificant for Ghana at the conventional level. This means that money demand is stable for Cote d’Ivoire in short run and unstable for Ghana in the same period. It is recommended that monetary policy authorities should continue to implement policies that will reinforce macroeconomic stability and facilitate economic growth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 785-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bamikale Feyisetan ◽  
Kola A. Oyediran

AbstractCan married or cohabitating women in patriarchal societies, who are often disproportionately affected by STI/HIV infections, negotiate protective sex when perceived necessary by refusing sex or asking for condom use during sex? Protective sex negotiation was examined through measures of power relations related to whether or not a woman has a say in sexual activities within marriage. The study hypothesis was that women who are more able to refuse sex or ask for condom use before sexual intercourse will be more able to discuss and reach agreement with their spouses on protective sex practices when needed. The study used data from DHS surveys conducted in Cote d’Ivoire and Nigeria in 2012 and 2013 respectively. Multivariate logistic regression models were used to predict women’s ability to negotiate protective sex in Cote d’Ivoire and Nigeria. The findings show that moderately high percentages of women in both countries reported the ability to negotiate protective sex, with a higher percentage reporting the ability to refuse sex compared with the ability to ask partners to use a condom. The logistic regression results showed that, in the two countries, women’s ability to refuse sex or ask their partners to use a condom, varied by gender- and power-mediating factors, women’s characteristics and behavioural factors. The study draws attention to the need to intensify efforts to promote more-egalitarian relationships between partners through culturally appropriate interventions.


Africa ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Miran-Guyon

ABSTRACTThe nativist ideology of ivoirité of the 1990s generated brutal discriminatory policies against those labelled as ‘strangers’, especially Muslims. Reversing that perspective, this article focuses on the interface between religion and national identity in twentieth-century Côte d'Ivoire from within Muslim society. The argument is divided into two parts. The first puts forward the counter-hegemonic, patriotic-cum-cosmopolitan narratives that a new Muslim leadership formulated in order to write Islam into national history. The second focuses on grass-roots, demotic, day-to-day realities. It explores Muslim takes on belonging and alienation in practice, paying careful attention to the community's internal diversity. It shows how, over time, Ivorian Muslims have showcased varying degrees of cosmopolitan patriotism but also of their own, local xenophobia. The concluding section returns to the new Muslim leadership and its multifaceted endeavours to reconcile Muslim lived experiences with their cosmopolitan patriotic aspirations. The article ends with a short epilogue surveying the violent armed conflicts of the period 2002 to 2011 and how Muslims were a part of them.


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