Political Stability in West African States: Problems and Solutions. (Case Studies of Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal)

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Lyubov Sadovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
West African ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

The article presents a new view on the problems of political stability in West African countries. For the first time was carried out a comparative analysis of the sustainability of the political systems of the two Francophone fastest growing countries in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. The author analyzes the factors negatively influencing political stability social order, and those that reduce conflict potencial in these States. Internal and external threats to the political systems of Senegal and Сôte d’Ivoire are examined. The response of both countries to internal and external challenges is shown. The study proves that while external threats indanger Senegal’s political stability, such as the penetration of religious extremism, the crisis in Casamance, maritime piracy, drug traffic, for Côte d’Ivoire, on the contrary, main risks are internal: electoral, socio-political crises, the split of elites, arms smuggling, banditry. The study demonstrates that the level of social governance in Senegal is higher than in other West African countries, including Сôte d’Ivoire, due to the dualism of the political system: the coexistence of Western-style political institutions with local faiths (tariqas), as well as policy pursued by President M. Sall. aimed at achieving mutual compromise that ensure the peaceful settlement of conflicts and contradictions. The author concludes that a new approach to the development of a security strategy is required.

Integration or exclusion of Fulbe pastoralists in West Africa: a comparative analysis of interethnic relations, state and local policies in Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire

2003 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Tonah
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
West African ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
State And Local

This paper undertakes a comparative analysis of the situation of the pastoral Fulbe in the two neighbouring West African countries of Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire. The migration of the Fulbe into the northern parts of both countries is quite a recent phenomenon. In spite of the similar social, economic and environmental conditions in both countries, the two governments responded differently to Fulbe migrations. Generally, the Ivorian government was more receptive of the Fulbe while the Ghanaian authorities have been hostile to them. The paper also discusses interethnic relations between the Fulbe and the indigenous farming groups. Finally, responses of both governments to farmer–herder conflicts are examined and some general reflections on how West African states are dealing with the issue of pastoral migration are provided.

scholarly journals Comparative Analysis of Growth Convergence in Selected West African Countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Alexandrov Nevski Sachs Semanou ◽  
Kamil Uslu
Keyword(s):  
Steady State ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
West African ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Growth Convergence ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
State Income ◽  
Lower Income Countries

This paper analyses the β-convergence process of West African countries with a focus on Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, and Togo. It has been motivated by the apparent persistence of income gap between West African countries. To achieve the objective of the study, we use both descriptive statistics and econometric approach. The study covers the time period of 27 years (1990-2017). The results show the absence of a unit steady state for the region and do not confirm neoclassical theory’s predictions. Rather, it shows the existence of club convergence in West Africa. Also, lower-income countries such as Benin and Togo have lower steady-state income compared to Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire.

Côte d’Ivoire

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Hunt
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Operations ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
International Response ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

This chapter examines the international response to Côte d’Ivoire’s post-election crisis in 2010/11. In particular, it analyses the elements that relate to the responsibility to protect (R2P), including how R2P informed the political and practical responses to the crisis. It identifies the major contentions/issues that the case highlights about the nature and future of R2P. It argues that despite the relative inattention paid to this case in the academic literature to date, the experience of Côte d’Ivoire offers important insights into the opportunities and challenges associated with all three pillars of R2P and recalls debates around the responsibility to rebuild as well as the emergent relationship between the R2P framework and protection of civilians in United Nations peace operations.

scholarly journals Comparative Analysis of the Stability of Money Demand between Côte d’Ivoire And Ghana: An Application of ARDL Model

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Yao Kouadio Ange-Patrick ◽  
Drama Bédi Guy Hervé
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Money Demand ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Demand Function ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Money Demand Function ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Short Run ◽  
The Stability

This paper empirically examined the broad money demand function and its stability in two West African countries namely Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana covering the period of 1980 to 2015 using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Bounds testing procedure. The empirical results confirm the stability of the money demand function and support the choice of M2 as a viable instrument for policy implementation in both countries cited above. The study also demonstrates that a long-run relationship exists between money aggregate (M2) and its determinants during the study period. In fact, the real income tends to be the most significant factor explaining the demand for broad money in both countries. In addition, the overall short run estimation of our model is statistically significant for Cote d’Ivoire and insignificant for Ghana at the conventional level. This means that money demand is stable for Cote d’Ivoire in short run and unstable for Ghana in the same period. It is recommended that monetary policy authorities should continue to implement policies that will reinforce macroeconomic stability and facilitate economic growth.

Modernity, Autochthony and the Ivorian Nation: the End of a Century in Côte d'Ivoire

Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armando Cutolo
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

ABSTRACTIn the mid-1990s, Côte d'Ivoire witnessed the rise of the ideology of ivoirité, a conception of citizenship based on autochthonous origins. Ivoirité was elaborated by a group of Ivorian intellectuals in the context of the political struggle opposing Henry Konan Bedié to Alassane Ouattara in the succession to the late President Houphouët-Boigny. Through the tactical use of the rhetoric of ivoirité, Ouattara was depicted by his adversaries as a ‘Burkinabé’ trying to rule the country. Going beyond this tactical aspect, the article addresses the ideological relations linking ivoirité to the ‘project of an Ivorian liberal society’ explicitly constructed by the same intellectuals. These relations contributed to the emergence, in the Ivorian public space, of a discourse establishing self-evident, hegemonic connections between notions like autochthony, modernity and nationality, on the one hand, and biopolitical concepts like population, immigration, security and resources on the other. The article uses two complementary perspectives to frame this emergent discourse. One focuses on the historical continuity of the political-economic strategies and population policies implemented by colonial governments and post-colonial elites. The other uses Giorgio Agamben's critical enquiry into citizenship and nationality to bring to light the implication of the ivoirité intellectuals in the construction of a national bios, and thus in the singling out of a paradigmatic form of bare life.

Can married or cohabiting women negotiate protective sex? Findings from Demographic and Health Surveys of two West African countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 785-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bamikale Feyisetan ◽  
Kola A. Oyediran
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Condom Use ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Hiv Infections ◽  
Demographic And Health Surveys ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Logistic Regression Models ◽  
Côte D'ivoire

AbstractCan married or cohabitating women in patriarchal societies, who are often disproportionately affected by STI/HIV infections, negotiate protective sex when perceived necessary by refusing sex or asking for condom use during sex? Protective sex negotiation was examined through measures of power relations related to whether or not a woman has a say in sexual activities within marriage. The study hypothesis was that women who are more able to refuse sex or ask for condom use before sexual intercourse will be more able to discuss and reach agreement with their spouses on protective sex practices when needed. The study used data from DHS surveys conducted in Cote d’Ivoire and Nigeria in 2012 and 2013 respectively. Multivariate logistic regression models were used to predict women’s ability to negotiate protective sex in Cote d’Ivoire and Nigeria. The findings show that moderately high percentages of women in both countries reported the ability to negotiate protective sex, with a higher percentage reporting the ability to refuse sex compared with the ability to ask partners to use a condom. The logistic regression results showed that, in the two countries, women’s ability to refuse sex or ask their partners to use a condom, varied by gender- and power-mediating factors, women’s characteristics and behavioural factors. The study draws attention to the need to intensify efforts to promote more-egalitarian relationships between partners through culturally appropriate interventions.

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