scholarly journals International Labor Organizations, 1864-1997: The Weight of History and the Challenges of the Present

1998 ◽  
pp. 52-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitris Stevis

Deepening neoliberal integration, the end of the Cold War, and the decline or compromise of communist and socialist parties, offer a window of opportunity for international labor politics. Why is it, then, that the comprehensive network of global and regional labor organizations continues to play a marginal role, even though they are clearly conscious of these developments, and have sought to respond to them? The answer to this question has important practical and theoretical implications. My general goal, therefore, is to situate the contemporary predicament of international labor organizations within its historical context. Activists would like to know whether labor organizations are basically sound but need to be reformed or fundamentally unsuitable for a vital international labor politics. Theoretically, international labor organizations provide us with a rich record through which to investigate cross-border relations at the level of society and state-society relations.

This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renaud Bellais

Despite a low volume of production at national levels, the European naval industry remains quite fragmented 25 years after the end of the cold war. Contrary to what might be expected from an industrial or budgetary perspective, neither cross-border consolidation nor cooperative programs have resulted in European restructuring. The sovereign nature of shipyards has led to the promotion of a domestically-centered industry transformation. Again, contrary to what might be expected, this appears to be a potentially sustainable approach due to the long-term relationship between navies and their domestic industrial partners. Even so, one can question the sustainability of the current economic model, reliant as it is on export contracts and insufficient margins to manoeuver.


Author(s):  
Megan A. Stewart

What role, if any, does religious ideology play in the Islamic State’s (IS) violence and governance strategies? Given the organization’s name alone, the role of religious ideology in the group’s behavior—from challenging its enemies through a combination of violent tactics to undertaking intensive state-building projects—has seemed paramount. This essay, however, argues that the Islamic State’s governance and warmaking strategies are neither unique to the Islamic State nor are they particularly Islamic, as these behaviors are part of revolutionary warfare strategy that crystallized under, and were predominantly implemented by, leftist rebel groups during the Cold War. The Islamic State’s approach is thus a jihadist interpretation of this revolutionary warfare strategy with origins in leftist rebel groups. This essay describes the nature and origins of revolutionary warfare, as well as its spread from leftist and anticolonial movements across ideological categories to jihadist groups. It then demonstrates the parallels in both violence and governance between the Islamic State and Cold War leftist revolutionaries. The essay concludes with a discussion of the role of a religious ideology in terms of the Islamic State’s strategic approach, as well as the implications for jihadist warfare in the future.


Author(s):  
N.V. Varghese

With the end of the Cold War political returns on foreign aid diminished.Many countries came to recognise trade as a more development-friendlymodality than aid. Internationalisation of higher education also shiftedfrom aid related cooperation agreements to market mediated cross-bordertrade arrangements within the framework of the General Agreementon Trade in Services (GATS). This article examines the changing face ofinternationalisation of higher education with a focus on the Indian experience.It argues that while internationalisation and cross-border mobilityare mediated by market processes and economic rationality in most countries,the Indian government’s initiatives to internationalise Indian highereducation are motivated by extending diplomatic relations to enable thecountry to play a more prominent role in global affairs.


2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Schmidt

Even today, the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Terminiello v. City of Chicago (1949) strikes students of constitutional law as a vexing factual situation. The problems the case posed for the High Court are all the more daunting considering its historical context, directly following the nation's confrontation with Nazism and standing on the cusp of the Cold War against Communism. In the broader view, most observers would locate the decision within the ascendance of liberal protection for free speech rights occurring over the second half of the twentieth century. But progressive accounts should not be allowed to mask the contemporary momentousness for the justices hearing the case. Indeed, in this constitutional conflict over the speech of a rabble-rousing priest was lodged a sober question about the polity's health at that time and the preferred response to the nation's need.


1990 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Richard Langhorne

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 299-338
Author(s):  
A. Nemtsov

The article attempts to theoretically comprehend the transformation of liberal values in the process of economic and political reforms carried out in Russia after collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the collapse of the world system of socialism. Some approaches to the interpretation of the essence of the “cold war”, as well as its results and outcomes, are analyzed. The article describes the main problems faced by Russian society and the Russian government in connection with the abolition of the Communist ideology. Based on the analysis of these approaches, we propose a hypothetical model of coexistence and confrontation between “two worlds” and two types of man within the framework of the Cristian worldview paradigm, in essence, two concepts of humanism. The author reveals the specifics of Russia’s modern opposition with what took place during the cold war. An attempt is made to understand this confrontation in a more General way.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-180
Author(s):  
Amarilio Ferreira Jr.

The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.


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