scholarly journals Movimientos sociales y estrategias de comunicación. El caso del 15-M y de Occupy Wall Street

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Castillo Esparcia ◽  
Damián García Ponce ◽  
Emilia Smolak Lozano
Keyword(s):  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

La paradoja de los indignados

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-102
Author(s):  
Axel Kaiser
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Karl Popper ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Isaiah Berlin ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

Una ola de convulsiones sociales atraviesa el mundo. En Occidente, la prensa ha llamado a los manifestantes «indignados». El término ha sido tomado del panfleto Indignáos! (Indignez-vous!) del intelectual francés Stéphane Hessel. La indignación por la si - tuación política y económica de Occidente es justificada. Tanto en Europa como en Estados Unidos, la brecha entre élites finan - cieras y el resto de la población se ha extendido mientras la clase política se ha convertido en una suerte de nobleza de estado com - pletamente desconectada de la realidad del hombre común. La corrupción del sistema ha llegado a tal punto, que no es una exa - geración sostener que las democracias han fracasado en asegurar un juego limpio entre los diversos actores sociales, poniendo así en peligro su propia subsistencia. La percepción de que algo se encuentra fundamentalmente des - compuesto en las sociedades occidentales explica por qué Hessel ha logrado vender millones de copias de su provocativo panfleto detonando movimientos sociales en Francia y España. También explica el surgimiento de Occupy Wall Street en Estados Unidos,Movimiento que declara oficalmente inspirarse en las acampadas españolas. El efecto galvanizador del panfleto de Hessel nos ha recordado que los intelectuales, como insistió Karl Popper, deben ser especialmente cuidadosos con las ideas que difunden. Jamás se debiera olvidar la advertencia de Isaiah Berlin de que «cuando las ideas son descuidadas por aquellos que han de atenderlas —es decir, aquellos que han sido entrenados para pensar crítica mente acerca de las ideas—, en ocasiones adquieren un incontrolable impulso y un poder irresistible sobre las multitudes que puede llegar a ser demasiado violento como para ser afectado por la crítica racional.»1 Esta es una lección de la historia del marxismo y del nacional socialismo que no debiéramos olvidar. Peligrosamente, Hessel ha endosado la misma actitud que con - dujo al comunismo y el nacional socialismo, a saber: el colectivis - mo. En efecto, tanto el nazismo como el marxismo derivaron de un rechazo a la filosofía individualista que sentó las bases de la civilización occidental. Por individualismo debe entenderse en este contexto, el que cada persona es considerada única, un fin en sí misma como diría Kant, lo cual implica que esta es libre de perseguir sus propios fines. Un individuo es libre entonces, sólo en la medida en que no es coaccionado por otros para perseguir fines ajenos, sean estos particulares o colectivos. La libertad con - siste así, como afirmó John Locke, en «encontrarse libre de restricciones y de la violencia de otros».2 Este reemplazo de la coerción por los acuerdos voluntarios de los diversos individuos persigui - endo sus intereses es esencial para que el progreso pueda florecer. No es una coincidencia el que los grandes logros de la huma - nidad hayan sido el producto de la libertad de perseguir fines individuales: ninguna ópera o invento tecnológico significativo ha sido jamás creado bajo coerción.

Forum on Occupy Wall Street

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-114
Author(s):  
Juliet Dee
Keyword(s):  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street

scholarly journals The Organizational Trace of an Insurgent Moment

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311770065 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam D. Reich
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
York City ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Formal Organizations ◽  
Movement Organizations ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between social movements and formal organizations has long been a concern to scholars of collective action. Many have argued that social movement organizations (SMOs) provide resources that facilitate movement emergence, while others have highlighted the ways in which SMOs institutionalize or coopt movement goals. Through an examination of the relationship between Occupy Wall Street and the field of SMOs in New York City, this article illustrates a third possibility: that a moment of insurgency becomes a more enduring movement in part through the changes it induces in the relations among the SMOs in its orbit.

The aestheticization of restraint: The popular appeal of de-cluttering after the global financial crisis

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susie Khamis
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Discussion Groups ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Occupy Movement ◽  
Video Tutorials ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Liberal Economy ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis

The concept of consumer restraint has had a popular makeover. This is seen in the worldwide popularity of books, video tutorials and online discussion groups devoted to de-cluttering, and specifically the stunning success of professional organizer Marie Kondo and her best-selling book, The Life-Changing Magic of Tidying. De-cluttering sits on a broad continuum of alternative consumption that champions the benefits of consumer restraint, on multiple fronts: economic, environmental, psychological, and so on. Through Kondo, this is framed in positive, uplifting ways. This is distinct from the more critical, nuanced, or anti-consumerist rhetoric associated with more subversive advocates of alternative consumption, such as voluntary simplifiers or Occupy Wall Street. That said, just as the Occupy movement channeled growing frustration with how the reigning tenets of capitalist culture had shackled and misled the “99%,” de-cluttering finds cultural traction in the midst and wake of the Global Financial Crisis. Unlike Occupy though, Kondo’s appeal rests less on the logic and language of political economy than the more emotive vernacular of pop psychology. In this way, de-cluttering positions restraint as reflective of a highly developed and sophisticated sensibility, whereby individuals “own” their consumption choices and in turn craft carefully curated spaces. Therein lies the aestheticization of restraint: freed of any negative connotations (dour, miserly or miserable), the de-cluttered subject is autonomous, self-aware, and chic. Crucially, it also pivots on the slippery assumptions of the (new) neo liberal economy, which requires individuals to be agile, creative, and empowered.

scholarly journals Book Review: Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties: Revised and Expanded Edition, 2nd ed.

2018 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Seth Kershner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Unequal Treatment ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Right

Occupy Wall Street. Black Lives Matter. The #MeToo movement. Over the past decade, the United States has seen a surge in activism around civil rights, broadly defined as the right to be free from discrimination and unequal treatment in arenas such as housing, the workplace, and the criminal justice system. At times, as when activists are arrested at a protest, calls for civil rights can also be the occasion for violations of civil liberties—certain basic freedoms (e.g., freedom of speech) that are either enshrined in the Constitution or established through legal rulings. While civil rights are distinct from civil liberties, students often struggle to articulate these differences and appreciate the links between the two concepts. Complicating this distinction is the fact that historically reference materials have tended to cover either one or the other but not the two in combination. Combining these two concepts in one work is what makes a revised edition of the Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties so timely and valuable.

scholarly journals Bartleby’s Consensual Dysphoria

2019 ◽  
pp. 191-220
Author(s):  
Robin West
Keyword(s):  
Occupy Wall Street ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Fellow Traveler ◽  
Legal Thought ◽  
Bartleby The Scrivener ◽  
Seminal Article

In this essay I seek to understand why many of the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protestors embraced Bartleby, the dysfunctional scrivener of Melville’s Story of Wall Street, as a fellow traveler in their movement. I first situate Bartleby the Scrivener in the context of classical legal thought, expanding on some claims put forward in a seminal article on Bartleby by Brook Thomas in the 1980s. I then argue that Melville’s scrivener suffered from a psychic and political condition I call “consensual dysphoria.” Bartleby suffered from consensual dysphoria in extremis. The OWSers recognized this—thus their otherwise inexplicable empathic bond with him. Consensual dysphoria, as depicted by Melville and as suffered by Bartleby, I will urge, is a part of the debilitating legacy of classical legal thought that persists today, and in an even more developed and exaggerated form.

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