Ethnicity in the Middle East and Neighboring Regions: Developing Appropriate Economic Strategies and Policies

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alf Walle

Indigenous people and ethnic minorities face economic and social pressures that potentially disturb the social order, undercut cooperation, and spawn distrust. Such pressures can threaten prosperity, peace, and security for all. Strategies are needed that help distinctive groups gain parity, self-determinism, and sustainability. Supplementing neoclassical economic models with more socially relevant paradigms (such as substantive economic anthropology and the triple bottom line) are means of doing so. Regions ethnic groups are showcased to demonstrate the value of such an approach.

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 00023
Author(s):  
Maria

The knowledge of indigenous people in Indonesia has developed for years in line with the development of human civilization. The development produces traditional knowledge and rules resulting from the adaptation process to its environment. The recent emergence of environmental crises has created a new awareness that this crisis can be resolved by returning to the local wisdom of indigenous peoples. The discourse on local wisdom has surfaced and is recognized as an important part of future development programs, including legal development. Local wisdom or environmental wisdom can be defined as the cultural knowledge possessed by a particular society that includes a number of cultural knowledge concerning models of sustainable use and management of natural resources. The legal relationship between the community and the land creates a right that gives the community a legal group, the right to use the land for the benefit of the society. In local communities, traditional wisdom manifests in the form of a set of rules, knowledge and skills as well as values and ethics that govern the social order of the communities that continue to live and evolve from generation to generation. This local wisdom is not only contained in the customary values and norms but also in the activities of indigenous people members in managing their lands.


1977 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald W. Smith

The use of the death penalty in modern civilized nations is unnecessary and destructive of the social order. A careful review of the evidence indicates that, even when the risk of execution has been relatively high, the death penalty has not been shown to provide better protection for society than available alternatives. The use of the death penalty has, in fact, encouraged murder, and innocent people have been executed. The death penalty has been discriminatorily applied to racial and ethnic minorities and will continue to be, despite the current Supreme Court guidelines. The death penalty has few economic advantages, and systematic use of restitution and recoupment would make the death penalty a decided economic disadvantage for society. Setting a poor model for the community, the death penalty reduces respect for the law and places a low value on human life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Sujit Lahiry

Conflict, peace and security are some of the enduring concerns of the Peace Research Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. They have become integrated in the dominant disciplines of international relations and political science and now are also part of most of the social science disciplines, such as economics, sociology, public policy, gender studies, international law and so on. This article purportedly seeks to examine some of the varied issues of conflict, peace and security and the challenges posed before the IR theorists to deal with them. It will also examine how the liberals, realists, Marxists, neo-Marxists and functionalists interpret conflict-transformation, peace-building and security. This article concludes with the argument that it is within the frontiers of critical theory as well as a class analysis of the structure of society within any state that social scientists can move from a paradigm of conflict reduction towards a more egalitarian model of peace and security. This article also concludes that only human security with a strong social welfare policy will lead to an egalitarian social order, especially in India.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
Marin Constantin

AbstractThis article is concerned with the social, economic, and cultural process of the folk artisanship among the ethnic minorities of Hungarians, Turks, and Croatians in contemporary Romania. Ethnographic information is provided on the peasant artisans' professional framework (private workshops), as well as on their crafts development under socialism and in times of market economy in Romania. Similarly considered are the craft traditions, the folk arts, and the ethnic representativeness of artisanship. Relevant categories of analysis are also paternity in crafts and the relationships that the craftsmen engage with the ethnographic museums and the national centers for the conservation of folk culture. Description and interpretation in this text contribute to the understanding of artisanship as complex and dynamic pattern of civilization among the minority ethnic groups in Romania.


Author(s):  
Castellino Joshua ◽  
Cavanaugh Kathleen A

The Introduction lays out the primary task for this book; to examine the shifting constructions of religious and ethnic minorities in the Middle East with a focus on two primary questions: how the socio-political groups that we define as minorities engage (or are excluded from) various sites of power and, secondly how state practices with regard to minorities (and ostensibly based on Islamic authority) intersect and inform modern constitutionalism and international law. In undertaking this task, we outline a number of challenges, first amongst these is to avoid a limited and reductionist view of the Middle East and, as we fix our focus on minority rights in the Middle East, we set out a second challenge; to ensure that we do not graft a conceptual concept on to a society or, as White argues, we risk ‘losing sight of how the social and political groups these categories describe appeared and developed’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ong Argo Victoria ◽  
Fadly Ameer

Malaysia is a country in Southeast Asia with an area of 329 758 km2 and a population in 2007 amounted to 27.17 million. Of the total population in 2007, 60% are ethnic Malay “Bumiputera”, 26% ethnic Chinese, 8% Indians, 5% other ethnic Bumiputera, and 1% other ethnic groups such as Arabic, Sinhalese, Eurasian and Europe.[1] Under the constitution, Malays are Malaysian citizens who practice a traditional Malay, Melayu Language, and Muslim. Approximately 25% of the Malaysian population is Chinese, and 7% is made up of India. Almost 85% of the races Indians in Malaysia are Tamil community. More than half the population of Sarawak and Sabah 66% of the population consists of non-Malay indigenous people. The entry of another race to some extent reduce the percentage of indigenous population in the two states. In addition, Malaysia also has a population that comes out of Europe and the Middle East. Malaysia's population density is not distributed evenly, with 17 million of the 25 million people living in Peninsula Malaysia.


Author(s):  
Yuval Tal

This chapter examines the social functions of anti-Judaism in French Algeria during the period 1889–1902 by focusing on the roles played by ethnic groups involved in what came to be known as the “anti-Jewish crisis.” The anti-Jewish crisis erupted in the late 1890s, when the three enfranchised ethnic groups living in French Algeria—Frenchmen with roots in France, European immigrants, and local Jews—challenged the established social order in the colony. The chapter first provides a background on the anti-Jewish crisis before discussing the segregated landscape of Algiers and the rise of the French anti-Jewish movement in the early 1890s. It then considers how xenophobia developed among many Frenchmen with regard to European immigrants in French Algeria and the participation of such immigrants in anti-Jewish riots. It also looks at Jewish reaction to the anti-Jewish crisis.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofra Bengio ◽  
Bruce Maddy-Weitzman

This study is a comparative analysis of the role of diaspora communities in the political and cultural activities of the Kurds and the Berbers (Amazigh) - the two most prominent cases of ethno-national “imagining” among the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region’s two main “non-dominant” ethnic groups. Berbers and Kurds, however heterogeneous and varied their multiple historical experiences, all operate within the realm of territorial nation-states dominated by different ethnic groups which have been historically hostile towards alternative conceptions of the political and social order. Kurdish and Berber diaspora communities have engaged in important intellectual, cultural and political activities on behalf of their respective causes. Inevitably, this has also sharpened the hybrid nature of their identities, in ways which distinguish them from those still residing in the “homeland.” Overall, the Kurdish diaspora is far more mobilised on behalf of the homeland, politically and ethnically, than the Amazigh, a reflection of the advanced state of the Kurdish ethno-national cause. Dûrwelatiyên birêkxistî: Bizavên Kurd û Berberan ji perspektîveka danberhevî Mijara vê lêkolînê hûrbîniyeka danberhevî ye li ser rola civakên dûrwelatî/diyasporayê yên Kurd û Berberan (Amazîng) di çalakiyên wan ên siyasî û çandî da. Ev her du civak du nimûneyên sereke yên xeyalkirina etno-neteweyî ne di nav civakên etnîk yên ne-serdest li herêmên Rojhilata Naverast û Afrîkaya Başur (RNAB). Her çend bi serboriyên xwe yên dirokî ew ne hemcure û ji hev cuda bin jî, Berber û Kurd xebatên xwe di qada netewe-dewletan de dikin ku tê da komên etnîk yên din serdest in. Ev komên serdest ji mêj ve ye dijberê konseptên siyasî û pergalên civakî yên alternatîv in. Civakên dûrwelatî yên Kurd û Berberan li ser nave gelên xwe, xwe têkilî çalakiyên girîng ên ronakbîrî, çandî û siyasî kirine. Bivê-nevê vê yekê bandoreka mezin heye li ser nasnameya wan a durehî/hybrid ku wan cihê dike ji kesên ku li ‘welatî’ mane. Bi giştî, Kurdên dûrwelatî li ser navê hemî welatiyên xwe ji layê siyasî û etnîkî pitir birêkxistî ne ji Berberan ku ev yek jî nişan dide bê doza etno-neteweyî ya Kurdan çendî kemilî ye. دیاسپۆڕای مۆبیلیزەبوو (وەخۆکەوتوو) :بزووتنەوەی کورد و بێربێر لە رۆنگەیەکی بەرئاوردکارانەوە ئەم تۆژینەوەیە، لێکدانەوەیەکی بەرئاوردکارانەیە لە سەر رۆڵی کۆمەڵگای دیاسپۆڕا، لە پەیوەندی لە گەل ئەم چالاکییە سیاسی و کولتوورییانەی کورد و بێربێر (ئامازیغ) – دوو کەیسی هەرە بەرچاو لە "خەیاڵکاری" ئیتنیکی-نەتەوەیی لە نێو دوو گرووپی ئیتنیکی ژێردەستەڵات- لە رۆژهەڵاتی نێوەراست و باکووری ئەفریقا. بێربێر و کورد کە لە بۆاری ئەزموونی مێژووییەوە جیاواز و فرەچەشن، هەردووکیان لە چوارچێوەی خاکی ئەم دەوڵەت-نەتەوانە دا ژیان بە سەر دەبەن کە هەم شوینی ژیانی گرووپی ئیتنیکی جیاوازان و هەم لە بۆاری میژووییەوە لە ئاست چەمکگەلی جیگر لە بەرامبەر رەوشی سیاسی و کۆمەڵایەتی هەنووکەیی دا دوژمنکارییان کردووە. دیاسپۆڕای کورد و بێربێر، لە پەیوەندی لە گەل پرسی نەتەوەیی خۆیانەوە، بەردەوام چالاکی رەوشەنبیری، کولتووری و سیاسیان لە خۆیانەوە نۆاندووە. بە شیوازێکی، هاشاهەڵنەگر، ئەم چالاکییانە بوونەتە هۆکاری بەرجەستەبوونەوەی سروشتی هیبریدی یان دووڕەگانەی شوناسی وان، هەتا ئەم ئاستەی کە ئەوان لە خەڵکی نیشتەجیی ولاتی خۆیان جیاواز دەکاتەوە. بە شێوەیەکی گشتی، دیاسپۆرای کورد لە بەرئاوردکاری لە گەل دیاسپۆرای ئامازیغ، لە لایەن وڵاتی خۆیەوە گەلیک موبلیزەتر، هەم لە بۆاری ئیتنیکی و هەم لە بۆاری سیاسییەوە، نیشاندەری گەشەکردن و پێشکەوتنی پرسی ئیتنیکی-نەتەوەیی کوردە.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-174
Author(s):  
Nancy Y. Reynolds

Studies of public space focus disproportionately on cities. Complex and densely populated urban built environments—with their streets, plazas, institutional buildings, housing projects, markets—make concrete and visible attempts to manage difference. They also structure the ways that less powerful residents challenge and sometimes remake elites’ spatial visions of the social order. The robust literature in Middle East studies on Islamic cities, colonial cities, dual cities, quarters and ethnicities, port cities, and so forth is no exception to this urban focus.


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