Albertville to Salt Lake City

Author(s):  
James R. Hines

This chapter focuses the decade between the Albertville Games in 1992 and the Salt Lake City Games in 2002, which proved to be one of figure skating's most dynamic as the sport changed with vertiginous speed. The figure skating world endured the vicious attack on Nancy Kerrigan at the U.S. Championships in 1994 and suffered highly publicized judging controversies at the Olympic Games in 1998 and 2002. As a result of those events it enjoyed unprecedented popularity. Fueled by extensive media coverage and spurred by an ever-increasing number of popular and highly motivated skaters who sought the spotlight and its financial rewards, figure skating reached a much-expanded public that, for a short time, could not get enough of.

Author(s):  
Robert Baumann ◽  
Bryan Engelhardt ◽  
Victor A. Matheson

SummaryLocal, state, and federal governments, along with the Salt Lake City Organizing Committee, spent roughly $1.9 billion in planning and hosting the 2002 Winter Olympic Games. Event promoters suggested that the Games would increase employment in the state by 35,000 job-years. We investigate whether the 2002 Winter Olympics actually increased employment finding that the Games’ impact was a fraction of that claimed by the boosters.While the Salt Lake City Olympics did increase employment overall by between 4,000 and 7,000 jobs, these gains were concentrated in the leisure industry, and the Games had little to no effect on employment after 12 months.


Author(s):  
James R. Hines

This chapter discusses media coverage of figure skates. Media interest in figure skating has grown steadily since 1962, when ABC's Wide World of Sports began covering the World Championships. However, the Olympic Games have provided the most popular televised skating events. Increased visibility spurred unprecedented interest in figure skating. Television audiences wanted to see in person those competitors they had watched compete for World and Olympic medals. The result has been phenomenal. An ever-increasing number of ice shows and professional competitions have provided opportunities for former competitors to enjoy lucrative careers while continuing to excite audiences. Some have sustained unusual longevity. Two, Scott Hamilton and Kurt Browning, can be classified as matinee idols.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott H Decker ◽  
Jack R Greene ◽  
Vince Webb ◽  
Jeff Rojek ◽  
Jack McDevitt ◽  
...  

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Atkinson ◽  
Kevin Young

Since the early 2000s, there has been a groundswell of research on terrorism and sports mega-events, including investigations into the impact of ‘9/11’ on fear and risk management strategies at high profile sports events. In this article, we re-examine the case of the Salt Lake City Winter Games of 2002 around Baudrillard’s (1995) concept of the ‘non-event’. We compare the (largely British and North American) mass mediation and discursive framing of terrorism at the 2002 Games with subsequent discourses interwoven into accounts of terrorism, fear and security at the 2004 Summer Olympic Games in Athens and the 2006 Winter Olympic Games in Turin. Of principal interest is the global framing of sports mega-events as targets of terrorism and the ways in which such events become fabricated zones of risk. To understand why there is a lingering media construction of the sports mega-event as an imagined target (and, in many ways, pre-constructed victim) of terrorism, we draw centrally on Baudrillard’s work (1995, 2001, 2002a, 2002b). Specifically, we employ Baudrillard’s concepts of the hyperreal and the non-event as a means of exploring terrorism’s relationship with sport, and the potential usage of such theoretical ideas in the sociology of sport and physical culture more broadly.


2006 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd L. Allen ◽  
Scott J. Jolley ◽  
Vernon J. Cooley ◽  
Robert T. Winn ◽  
Jeffery D. Harrison ◽  
...  

2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.R.B. Ritchie

The hosting of mega-events such as the Olympic Games provides a short period of intense excitement for residents and enhances the long-term awareness of the host destination in tourism markets. However, unless the event is carefully and strategically planned with destination and community development in mind, it can be difficult to justify the large investments required. This article focuses on two examples (the 1988 Calgary Winter Olympics, and the Salt Lake City 2002 Games) in an attempt to demonstrate how “legacy planning” can help ensure that the hosting of a short-term mega-event such as the Olympics can contribute to the development and consolidation of facilities and programs that will benefit destination residents for many years.


Author(s):  
Sadie M. Witt ◽  
Shelby Stults ◽  
Emma Rieves ◽  
Kevin Emerson ◽  
Daniel L. Mendoza

In the U.S. 44% of low-income households struggle to pay their utility bills, affecting their ability to afford necessities such as food and health expenses. Several government and utility funded energy efficiency programs exist to assist those experiencing energy insecurity. In Salt Lake City, Utah, there is a high demand for, but low availability of, energy efficiency services in underserved neighborhoods creating an opportunity for creative community-based programs to fill this inherent gap. This pilot project, involving the exchanging of LED bulbs in Salt Lake City, highlights the development of a community-based energy efficiency program that aims to bring energy savings to a uniquely targeted portion of the city and determines its feasibility in addressing energy insecurity at a larger scale. Through the 8-month project duration, 1,432 bulbs were exchanged at 23 events reaching 181 households in low-income areas. Through a year of use, these bulbs are estimated to save residents approximately 18,219 USD in electricity bills and reduce CO2 emissions from power plants by 122.23 metric tons, in addition to a savings of 4,400 USD in social cost of carbon as defined by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Since this pilot reached less than 1% of households, we extrapolated a reach of 2%, 5%, and 7.5% and found substantial potential decreases in power plant emissions and financial savings. As this project is ongoing and being expanded, we discuss relevant findings that will help shape future community-based models so that they are appropriately deployed and more effective in alleviating local energy insecurity.


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