Developing “Big Ears”

Author(s):  
Thomas H. Greenland

This chapter examines how jazz fans, especially the most active concertgoers (the regulars), respond to a musical performance. It first considers how fans become part of jazz communities and how they contribute to the New York City jazz scene. It then shows how nonperforming musicians fill the performance space, suggesting that these offstage participants, who are also “performing” jazz, constitute the unseen scene, the silent and not-so-silent majority that forms an integral part of communal music-making. It also explains what happens when fans are in the house: how their musical tastes develop, how they view performers and performances, and how their private and public listening practices inform their understandings of and appreciation for jazz and jazz performances. The chapter concludes that when jazz audiences with “big ears” attend to and interact with live music and musicians, it creates a sympathetic environment where jazz can come alive.

Author(s):  
David Gilbert

Between 1896 and 1915, Black professional entertainers transformed New York City’s most established culture industries—musical theater and popular song publishing—and helped create two new ones: social dancing and music recording. While Black culture workers’ full impact on popular entertainment and Black modernism would not be felt until after World War I, the Harlem Renaissance and the Jazz Age were decades in the making. Stage performers Williams and Walker and their musical director Will Marion Cook introduced full-scale Black musical theater to Broadway between 1902 and 1909; songwriters-turned-performers Cole and Johnson expanded the style and substance of ragtime songs along Tin Pan Alley; James Reese Europe created a labor union for Black musicians that got hundreds of players out of Black nightclubs into high-paying White elites’ homes, eventually bringing a 200-person all-Black symphony orchestra to Carnegie Hall for the first concert of its kind at the august performance space. James Europe’s Clef Club Inc. also caught the ears of Manhattan’s leading social dancers, the White Irene and Vernon Castle, in ways that helped disseminate Europe’s ragtime dance bands across America and, by 1913, became the first Black band to record phonographs, setting important precedents for the hit jazz and blues records of the postwar era. While James Europe would go on to win renown as the musical director of the Harlem Hell Fighters—the most-decorated infantry unit to fight in World War I—his prewar community of professional entertainers had already successfully entered into New York City’s burgeoning, and increasingly national, commercial culture markets. By studying some of the key figures in this story it becomes possible to get a fuller sense of the true cultural ferment that marked this era of Black musical development. Stage performers Williams and Walker and Cole and Johnson, behind-the-scenes songwriters Will Marion Cook and James Weldon Johnson, and musicians such as James Reese Europe’s artistic and entrepreneurial interventions made African Americans central players in creating the Manhattan musical marketplace and helped make New York City the capital of U.S. performance and entertainment.


Author(s):  
Gillian Richards-Greaves

This book examines how African-Guyanese in New York City participate in the Come to My Kwe-Kwe ritual to facilitate rediasporization, that is, the creation of a newer diaspora from an existing one. Since the fall of 2005, African-Guyanese in New York City have celebrated Come to My Kwe-Kwe (more recently called Kwe-Kwe Night) on the Friday evening before Labor Day. Come to My Kwe-Kwe is a reenactment of a uniquely African-Guyanese pre-wedding ritual called kweh-kweh, and sometimes referred to as karkalay, mayan, kweh-keh, and pele. A typical traditional (wedding-based) kweh-kweh has approximately ten ritual segments, which include the pouring of libation to welcome or appease the ancestors; a procession from the groom’s residence to the bride’s residence or central kweh-kweh venue; the hiding of the bride; and the negotiation of bride price. Each ritual segment is executed with music and dance, which allow for commentary on conjugal matters, such as sex, domestication, submissiveness, and hard work. Come to My Kwe-Kwe replicates the overarching segments of the traditional kweh-kweh, but a couple (male and female) from the audience acts as the bride and groom, and props simulate the boundaries of the traditional performance space, such as the gate and the bride’s home. This book draws on more than a decade of ethnographic research data and demonstrates how Come to My Kwe-Kwe allows African-Guyanese-Americans to negotiate complex, overlapping identities in their new homeland, by combining elements from the past and present and reinterpreting them to facilitate rediasporization and ensure group survival.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-316
Author(s):  
Steven Cornelius

I read Stephen Cottrell's broad-ranging ethnography Professional Music-Making in London with both great interest and disquiet. Cottrell has made a significant scholarly contribution in successfully outlining the myriad social, political, economic, and artistic forces that comprise that city's classical music performance culture. His model, which offers potential bridges between ethnomusicology and musicology, will prove useful in any number of locales and theoretical studies. My disquiet arose from the fact that the author details a musical world of frustration, dead ends, and downright failure. Twenty years ago, and an ocean away, I escaped a similar professional existence in New York City.


Author(s):  
Thomas H. Greenland

This chapter examines jazz jobbing professionals' attraction for and attention to jazz, their roles as creative improvisers and co-performers, and their relationships with other jazz scene participants in New York City. It first considers how jazz entrepreneurs meet the challenges of doing business, suggesting that their lifestyle is an outgrowth of their ongoing enthusiasm for and commitment to the music. It then looks at professionals as co-improvisers and goes on to explain how their attention is influenced by job-related contingencies, and how this affects the way they hear and understand music. It also discusses professionals' active participation in the live music scene as well as their involvement in collaborative expressions of art in improvised jazz communities. The chapter shows that jazz professionals, as workers in the jazz art world, provide crucial services and support for performers, fans, venue operators, and each other while also “performing” off-stage for their own constituencies of viewers and readers.


2007 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Kurkjian

For 21 years, Mark Russell served as the Artistic Director of Performance Space 122 , the New York institution hailed as the mecca of downtown experimental art. Russell looks back on the nascent years of P.S. 122 , discussing his desire to “serve” the experimental performance community, often navigating the “ecology” on the artists' behalf and helping to further their careers. Artists' profiles, images by photographer Dona Ann McAdams, and Russell's short reflection on both the new direction of P.S. 122 and his own life give a multidimensional look at this East Village landmark and the impresario who put it on the artistic map of New York City.


2020 ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Gillian Richards-Greaves

This chapter examines how the repertoire, form, content, and performance styles of traditional kweh-kweh songs and dances are performed and innovated at Come to My Kwe-Kwe to entertain, instruct, and educate the African-Guyanese diaspora in New York City. Accompanied by “found” instruments, synthesizers, djembes, and an assortment of percussive instruments, attendees sing traditional kweh-kweh songs, Guyanese folk songs, and musical genres from around the world. They sing using coded language, double-entendre, and unmasked (raw) speech to edify the community and facilitate inclusion. As attendees sing and dance in the ganda (performance space), they address diverse matrimonial topics, particularly sex. In fact, the volunteer bride and groom are expected to wine (gyrate) to demonstrate sexual prowess, or risk ridicule from the larger community. Some African-Guyanese-Americans disapprove of the musical innovations at Come to My Kwe-Kwe, but others view the changes as crucial to the survival of the ritual and the African-Guyanese community.


1942 ◽  
Vol 74 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
H. Kurdian

In 1941 while in New York City I was fortunate enough to purchase an Armenian MS. which I believe will be of interest to students of Eastern Christian iconography.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-203
Author(s):  
Robert Chatham

The Court of Appeals of New York held, in Council of the City of New York u. Giuliani, slip op. 02634, 1999 WL 179257 (N.Y. Mar. 30, 1999), that New York City may not privatize a public city hospital without state statutory authorization. The court found invalid a sublease of a municipal hospital operated by a public benefit corporation to a private, for-profit entity. The court reasoned that the controlling statute prescribed the operation of a municipal hospital as a government function that must be fulfilled by the public benefit corporation as long as it exists, and nothing short of legislative action could put an end to the corporation's existence.In 1969, the New York State legislature enacted the Health and Hospitals Corporation Act (HHCA), establishing the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation (HHC) as an attempt to improve the New York City public health system. Thirty years later, on a renewed perception that the public health system was once again lacking, the city administration approved a sublease of Coney Island Hospital from HHC to PHS New York, Inc. (PHS), a private, for-profit entity.


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