Equality

Author(s):  
Mark A. Lause

This chapter examines the spiritualists' uniquely egalitarian sense of individual liberty that underlay their view of society and reform and reflected, in part, the relatively inclusive nature of the movement. Radical spiritualists—which, at least for a time, included most of them—believed that emancipation should lead beyond the absence of slavery toward black equality. They saw a complete and critical reexamination of U.S. policy toward the Indians as inseparable from emancipation and black equality. Having always advocated women's rights on one level, they became increasingly predisposed to a practical egalitarianism. The chapter first considers how spiritualism became a kind of secularist Western Christianity before turning to spiritualists' discussion of race, gender, and racial equality, their views on slavery and emancipation, and their special kinship with Native Americans. It also looks at how the Civil War unfolded into a struggle for slave liberation while also emancipating a radicalism in the Republican Party with a heavy dose of social radicalism and persistent calls for a thorough reconstruction of American civilization.

Author(s):  
Sandra E. Bonura

This chapter places Pope in her 19th-century era and presents the major themes including immigration, westward expansion, the rise of industrial America, the growth of political democracy, women’s rights, temperance, public education, slavery, the Civil War, and more. The three periods of time—early, middle and late 19th century—show women’s advancement in the educational arena and their “call to teach.” The histories of Mount Holyoke and Oberlin are succinctly offered.


Author(s):  
Safia Aidid

Although Somali women have played a dynamic and important role in the making of Somalia’s history, their histories have been obscured by archival limitations and androcentric scholarship. Women in traditional Somali society—pastoralists, agriculturalists, and urbanites alike—were central to their communities for their reproductive and productive labor. They embodied social capital, as the practice of exogamous marriage that brought them to other communities also created important reciprocal relations between different kinship groups. Although a deeply patriarchal culture defined their life roles primarily as wives and mothers, Somali women used that very culture and the indigenous resources available to them to exercise agency, negotiate their positions, and carve out their own spaces. The advent of colonial rule, which partitioned the Somali peninsula between Britain, France, Italy, and the Ethiopian empire, drastically altered women’s lives. It fused traditional patriarchal relations with European ones, codified tradition and flexible communal identities, treated women as dependents of their male relatives, and created opportunities for men in education and employment that were not available to women. Though Somali women were at the forefront of the anticolonial struggle, the male elite who inherited the state after independence excluded women from the political sphere. Women’s rights took on a prominent role in the military dictatorship of General Mohamed Siad Barre, yet the repression and state violence that characterized his rule affected women acutely. The civil war that followed the disintegration of the Somali state has similarly affected women intimately. In addition to the gendered experience of violence, the increasingly conservative nature of Somali society has resulted in the loss of many gains made for women’s rights after independence. From precolonial society to colonial rule, dictatorship, and civil war, Somali women have exhibited the resilience, agency, and fortitude to make the most of their circumstances.


Author(s):  
Marjorie J. Spruill

The late 20th century saw gender roles transformed as the so-called Second Wave of American feminism that began in the 1960s gained support. By the early 1970s public opinion increasingly favored the movement and politicians in both major political parties supported it. In 1972 Congress overwhelmingly approved the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and sent it to the states. Many quickly ratified, prompting women committed to traditional gender roles to organize. However, by 1975 ERA opponents led by veteran Republican activist Phyllis Schlafly, founder of Stop ERA, had slowed the ratification process, although federal support for feminism continued. Congresswoman Bella Abzug (D-NY), inspired by the United Nations’ International Women’s Year (IWY) program, introduced a bill approved by Congress that mandated state and national IWY conferences at which women would produce recommendations to guide the federal government on policy regarding women. Federal funding of these conferences (held in 1977), and the fact that feminists were appointed to organize them, led to an escalation in tensions between feminist and conservative women, and the conferences proved to be profoundly polarizing events. Feminists elected most of the delegates to the culminating IWY event, the National Women’s Conference held in Houston, Texas, and the “National Plan of Action” adopted there endorsed a wide range of feminist goals including the ERA, abortion rights, and gay rights. But the IWY conferences presented conservatives with a golden opportunity to mobilize, and anti-ERA, pro-life, and anti-gay groups banded together as never before. By the end of 1977, these groups, supported by conservative Catholics, Mormons, and evangelical and fundamentalist Protestants, had come together to form a “Pro-Family Movement” that became a powerful force in American politics. By 1980 they had persuaded the Republican Party to drop its support for women’s rights. Afterward, as Democrats continued to support feminist goals and the GOP presented itself as the defender of “family values,” national politics became more deeply polarized and bitterly partisan.


Author(s):  
Jessica Ziparo

The introduction explains how and why the Civil War era female federal workforce was an important, though often overlooked, cadre of labor feminists in the struggle for women’s rights in America. Labor feminism as used in the book is defined.


SAGE Open ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401773735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove ◽  
Enock Ndawana

This study asserts that women’s rights are far from being recognized in South Sudan despite its efforts to include the rights of women in the Transitional Constitution after its attainment of independence from Sudan in 2011. While the article acknowledges the traditional modernization theory and cultural sovereignty theory, it engages international human rights standards as its conceptual framework. Using documentary research methodology involving analysis of primary and secondary sources, the manuscript established that a plural justice system involving incompatible customary and civil law failed to defend women’s rights in the country. This was worsened by the country’s descent into a civil war a few years after independence. Again, the fact that South Sudan has effectively been without a functioning permanent constitution and is one of the main challenges facing the country did not help the situation either. However, South Sudan still has opportunities to advance the promotion of women’s rights if, among other things, the ongoing civil war ends and the guidelines of its Transitional Constitution are to be effectively enshrined in a new constitution of the country with a view of implementing them.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 246-253
Author(s):  
Carmen Madorrán Ayerra

This article intends to be a brief introduction to a sometimes neglected issue of the recent Spanish history: the extraordinary progress the short-lived Second Republic (1931-1936) meant for women. The significant and somewhat revolutionary achievements at a social, legal, and political level were shadowed by the Civil War and the long forty years of the subsequent dictatorship. However, studying and recovering the history of women during the Republican period enables us to better understand to what extent Franco’s regime was a dramatic step backwards also in terms of women’s rights.


Author(s):  
Richard Archer

This epilogue examines the breakdown (but not the disappearance) of the struggle for equal rights after the Civil War. Reform-minded New Englanders dispersed in various directions. Some focused on the newly liberated freedmen to the south and on reconstructing that region. Others concentrated on such causes as women's rights, temperance, and labor. No one denied that forms of racism persisted in New England, but many shared Garrison's belief that the basic work for equal rights had been accomplished or soon would be and welcomed the opportunity to invest in their own lives. And some of the black leaders died far too soon. The book concludes with a brief examination of why New England was in advance of the rest of the nation in providing equal rights but far from an equal society.


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