Women in Somalia

Author(s):  
Safia Aidid

Although Somali women have played a dynamic and important role in the making of Somalia’s history, their histories have been obscured by archival limitations and androcentric scholarship. Women in traditional Somali society—pastoralists, agriculturalists, and urbanites alike—were central to their communities for their reproductive and productive labor. They embodied social capital, as the practice of exogamous marriage that brought them to other communities also created important reciprocal relations between different kinship groups. Although a deeply patriarchal culture defined their life roles primarily as wives and mothers, Somali women used that very culture and the indigenous resources available to them to exercise agency, negotiate their positions, and carve out their own spaces. The advent of colonial rule, which partitioned the Somali peninsula between Britain, France, Italy, and the Ethiopian empire, drastically altered women’s lives. It fused traditional patriarchal relations with European ones, codified tradition and flexible communal identities, treated women as dependents of their male relatives, and created opportunities for men in education and employment that were not available to women. Though Somali women were at the forefront of the anticolonial struggle, the male elite who inherited the state after independence excluded women from the political sphere. Women’s rights took on a prominent role in the military dictatorship of General Mohamed Siad Barre, yet the repression and state violence that characterized his rule affected women acutely. The civil war that followed the disintegration of the Somali state has similarly affected women intimately. In addition to the gendered experience of violence, the increasingly conservative nature of Somali society has resulted in the loss of many gains made for women’s rights after independence. From precolonial society to colonial rule, dictatorship, and civil war, Somali women have exhibited the resilience, agency, and fortitude to make the most of their circumstances.

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Franklin

During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.


Author(s):  
Sandra E. Bonura

This chapter places Pope in her 19th-century era and presents the major themes including immigration, westward expansion, the rise of industrial America, the growth of political democracy, women’s rights, temperance, public education, slavery, the Civil War, and more. The three periods of time—early, middle and late 19th century—show women’s advancement in the educational arena and their “call to teach.” The histories of Mount Holyoke and Oberlin are succinctly offered.


Author(s):  
Rosita Ortega Vásquez

This article analyzes the relationship between the extractivist model in Ecuador and state violence against Amazonian women defenders based on the case of Nema Grefa, President of the Sapara Nation of Ecuador (NASE), who has been intimidated and threatened with death on several occasions. From the demand for protective action and request for precautionary measures in favor of the leader and the Sapara people. The analysis of this case discusses collective and women’s rights in a local justice scenario, where the articulation of indigenous organizations, organizations for the defense of women’s rights, ecofeminists and the Ombudsman’s Office (Defensoría del Pueblo) will be key.


Author(s):  
A. R. Venkatachalapathy

E. V. Ramasamy “Naicker” (1879–1973), better known as “Periyar” (literally “the big man”; figuratively “the revered one”), is an iconic figure in the history of Tamil Nadu. In Tamil Nadu all governments of the state since 1967 have been formed by two parties—Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK)—both of which split from Periyar’s Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) and claim his legacy. Periyar is primarily known as a social reformer, anti-caste crusader, champion of non-Brahmin political and social interests, advocate of women’s rights, and atheist and rationalist. At an all-India level his reputation is that of an “anti-national” who demanded secession from the Indian Union, an atheist who rejected god, religion, and rituals. In 1990, in the context of the Indian government’s move to introduce reservation (affirmative action) for backward castes in education and employment, and the upper-caste protest against it, Periyar’s role in empowering backward castes has received attention. Further, with the renewed rise of Hindu fundamentalism from the 1990s, Periyar’s critique of religion, especially Hinduism, has been recognized politically and intellectually. The dominance of intermediary castes in south India, and Dalit political and cultural assertion since the 1990s, has triggered a re-evaluation of Periyar’s ideas on caste and their impact on the empowerment of backward castes. The renewed political interest in Periyar’s ideas and a longstanding academic interest in the history of the non-Brahmin movement have come together in recent times. This has resulted in the proliferation of new compilations, editions, and reprints of Periyar’s writings. Analytical studies of his life and politics is a growing field. Though undertheorized by scholars, Periyar’s ideas on caste, religion, women’s rights, and language provide a window into understanding and conceptualizing non-mainstream ideological trends in modern Asian history.


Author(s):  
Jessica Ziparo

The introduction explains how and why the Civil War era female federal workforce was an important, though often overlooked, cadre of labor feminists in the struggle for women’s rights in America. Labor feminism as used in the book is defined.


SAGE Open ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401773735 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove ◽  
Enock Ndawana

This study asserts that women’s rights are far from being recognized in South Sudan despite its efforts to include the rights of women in the Transitional Constitution after its attainment of independence from Sudan in 2011. While the article acknowledges the traditional modernization theory and cultural sovereignty theory, it engages international human rights standards as its conceptual framework. Using documentary research methodology involving analysis of primary and secondary sources, the manuscript established that a plural justice system involving incompatible customary and civil law failed to defend women’s rights in the country. This was worsened by the country’s descent into a civil war a few years after independence. Again, the fact that South Sudan has effectively been without a functioning permanent constitution and is one of the main challenges facing the country did not help the situation either. However, South Sudan still has opportunities to advance the promotion of women’s rights if, among other things, the ongoing civil war ends and the guidelines of its Transitional Constitution are to be effectively enshrined in a new constitution of the country with a view of implementing them.


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