Unproductive Worth

2019 ◽  
pp. 68-104
Author(s):  
Karen Bray
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Hardt And Negri

“Unproductive Worth” reads with the autonomism of Franco “Bifo” Berardi and Kathi Weeks, the political and quotidian depression of Ann Cvetkovich, and a disability poetics in order to challenge both neoliberal and more progressive (the latter represented in this chapter by Hardt and Negri and their theological deployment by Joerg Rieger and Kwok Pui Lan) productivist theologies that tie our worth to our “productive” contribution to society. As a counter to such a productivist soteriology, this chapter suggest we remain unredeemed by tapping into the post-work imaginary of Weeks, the utopia of ordinary habit of Cvetkovich, and a crip poetics inspired by Robert McRuer. The chapter suggests that we must pay grave attention to all those considered too slow, too mad, too depressed, too crippled to be of productive worth.

scholarly journals The Political Practice and its Subjects in of New Critical Theories: Complicities and Points of Adversity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graciela INDA
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
The Subject

These four theoretical bets on the “multitude” (Hardt and Negri), on the political subject as fidelity to an event (Badiou), on the “people” as a hegemonic interaction of heterogeneous demands (Laclau and Mouffe), on the political subject as an emergent subject of an egalitarian irruption (Rancière), illustrate the seek for new political subjectivities after abandoning the Marxist thesis that gives a decisive role to the working-class in the process of social transformation. Apart from this binding nucleus, they present divergences that place the question about the subject of emancipation in a field of confrontations, and bifurcation points. This work aims at delimiting the lines of combat, voices of consent and dissent found in these new critical theories regarding the connection between political subjectivity, and economic relations, the issue of the strategy, the nationalism/internationalism dilemma and the disjunction between statism and anti-statism.

Book review: Ceti medi senza futuro? Scritti, appunti sul lavoro e altro, written by Sergio Bologna Book review: Vita da freelance. I lavoratori della conoscenza e il loro futuro, written by Sergio Bologna and Dario Banfi Book review: Felici e sfruttati. Capitalismo digitale ed eclissi del lavoro, written by Carlo Formenti

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 425-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Boffo
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Knowledge Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Class Composition ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
American Academia ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Many

This paper reviews the recent writing of Sergio Bologna and Carlo Formenti. These authors are proposed as post-workerist dissenters with respect to Hardt and Negri’s conceptualisation of contemporary capitalism. Therefore, while the latter has risen to prominence within Anglo-American academia astheradical (post-workerist) account of the political economy of the knowledge economy, the work of Bologna and Formenti is here presented as providing alternative accounts of contemporary capitalism and its dynamics. In doing so, this work challenges the Anglo-American reception of post-operaismo. However, these analyses are also assessed by showing the many similarities they share with Hardt and Negri’s account (not least with respect to the category of class composition). These similarities are argued to pose immanent limits, impeding this post-workerist dissent’s ability to carryoperaismobeyond Hardt and Negri.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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