scholarly journals The Political Practice and its Subjects in of New Critical Theories: Complicities and Points of Adversity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graciela INDA
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Critical Theories ◽  
The People ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
The Subject

These four theoretical bets on the “multitude” (Hardt and Negri), on the political subject as fidelity to an event (Badiou), on the “people” as a hegemonic interaction of heterogeneous demands (Laclau and Mouffe), on the political subject as an emergent subject of an egalitarian irruption (Rancière), illustrate the seek for new political subjectivities after abandoning the Marxist thesis that gives a decisive role to the working-class in the process of social transformation. Apart from this binding nucleus, they present divergences that place the question about the subject of emancipation in a field of confrontations, and bifurcation points. This work aims at delimiting the lines of combat, voices of consent and dissent found in these new critical theories regarding the connection between political subjectivity, and economic relations, the issue of the strategy, the nationalism/internationalism dilemma and the disjunction between statism and anti-statism.

scholarly journals Konseptualisasi dan Internalisasi Nilai Profetik: Upaya Membangun Demokrasi Inklusif bagi Kaum Difabel di Indonesia

INKLUSI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Abdullah Fikri
Keyword(s):  
Disability Studies ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Local Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Studies ◽  
The People ◽  
People With Disability ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Inclusive Society

This paper focuses on the disability in the context of inclusive democracy that is based on the prophetic values. There are two terms used in this paper. First, inclusive democracy; this term asserts that the people with disability are not the object in a social and political system, conversely, the people with disability are positioned as the subject in citizenship. The people with disability are part of the political system and society and they have the rights to engage and compete in the political practices. Second, “prophetic values” that refers to the elaboration of disability studies and Islamic studies, where the later is related to the earlier. Disability studies with the prophetic social science are prominent as a social transformation in order to get a better humanist and transcendence understanding of disability in the local context of Indonesia. The result of this study shows that the inclusive democracy, in terms of Indonesian local context, is constructed by four prophetic values: humanism, liberation, transcendence and inclusive society.[Tulisan ini akan membahas difabilitas dalam konteks demokrasi inklusif berbasis nilai-nilai profetik. Ada dua term yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini. Pertama, “demokrasi inklusif”; term ini ingin menegaskan bahwa difabel bukan lagi sebagai orang yang hanya dijadikan objek saja, akan tetapi kaum difabel diposisikan sebagai subjek warganegara. Dengan kata lain, kaum difabel merupakan bagian dari entitas sistem politik dan sistem masyarakat, yang memiliki hak untuk ikut serta dalam kompetisi politik praktis. Kedua, “nilai-nilai profetik”; sebagai elaborasi kajian difabilitas dan studi Islam, maka penting melakukan interelasi antara difabilitas dengan nilai-nilai profetik. Kajian disabilitas dengan Ilmu Sosial Profetik (ISP), sebagai upaya melakukan transformasi sosial, agar  didapatkan sebuah pemahaman yang lebih humanis-transenden terhadap kaum difabel dalam konteks ke-Indonesiaan. Adapun hasil dari kajian ini adalah bahwa demokrasi inklusif berbasis paradigma profetik dalam konteks ke-Indonesiaan, dikonstruksi atas empat pilar, yaitu nilai humanisasi, liberasi, transendensi, dan masyarakat inklusif.]

Syrian - Lebanese economic relations 1958 – 2000

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Economic Exchange ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Special Circumstances ◽  
Main Engine ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Descriptive Method

In the midst of dangerous circumstances and events and the thorny relations between Syria and Lebanon ,the issue of Syrian – Lebanese economic relations 1958 – 2000 came to confirm the depth of the relationship between the two counties and indicate the political tensions and the shadows it casts on economic relations. Perhaps the Syrian – Lebanese relations are among the strangest relations that exist between two countries or Even between two peoples , although it brings together a lot of special circumstances that are difficult to find in other countries , any event , even if it is fleeting , can be exploited in a way that harms the essence of the relationship in which interests may intersect between two ordinary countries that do not have any connection of historical weight or A specific geography , the Syrian – Lebanese relationship is , by virtue of history , concurrent with the emergence of the two states as political entities . This reason and others prompted me to choose this topic , which embodies the volume of trade and economic exchange between the two countries and clearly embodies the repercussions of the relationship , which passes from one period to another in a state of ebb and flow . This study sheds light on the economic relations between the two countries , although it is difficult to ignore the impact of the political conditions on them , as they are the main engine , and the decline in economic relations is only a reaction to the crisis policy in many cases . in writing this research , the researcher used the descriptive method of history , and he used an important number of sources that enriched the subject , such as the Lebanese – Syrian relations of the authors Antoine AL-Nashef and Khalil AL-Hindi , as well as the Lebanese – Syrian relations1985 -1943 issued by the Lebanese Documentation and Research Center and last but not least l hope this study will be successful in terms of providing information and facts to the lraqi offices and contributing to their enrichment and providing assistance to the lraqi researcher .

The People: Ethnoracial Configurations, Old and New

2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Association ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.

The Peronist Left, 1955–1975

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Extensive Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comprehensive Treatment ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
The Subject

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.

Who Changes the World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The World ◽  
Mind And Body ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

“Who Changes the World: The Political Subject-in-Outline” introduces the idea of the political subject-in-outline to creatively engage with the tension between the exclusionary character of the political subject and its necessity for agency. It explains why giving up on the subject altogether or theorizing it as a constantly shifting entity is implicated in the project of capitalism, and acknowledges the necessity of defining a political subject to critique and transform capitalism. Yet its outline reminds people that any definition of the political subject must remain permanently open for contestation to avoid its exclusionary character. This chapter also explains that the subject-in-outline aims to establish a mediated relation between the universal and particular, as well as mind and body. Furthermore, it shows that the idea of a political subject-in-outline can help people avoid alienation, instrumental relations, and the coldness of love in capitalism.

The Development and Formation of International Law

1912 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest Nys
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Reason ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The People ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civil Laws

“Law in general,” says Montesquieu, “is human reason so far as it controls all the people of the earth, and the political and civil laws of each nation can only be considered as individual cases in which this human reason is applied.” Reason was held by the Romans to constitute one of the fundamental elements of law. Cicero announced the existence of “a veritable law, true reason (recta ratio), in conformity with nature, universal, immutable and eternal, the commands of which constitute a call to duty and the prohibitions of which avert evil.”It is at present unnecessary to consider what influence the Stoic, Academic and Epicurean doctrines had on Roman jurisprudence, and it would be risky to support as absolutely final any view which might be expressed on the subject. During the last phases of the Republic there had already come to exist in the world’s capital a fusion of the different schools of philosophy; and traces of the Platonic teachings constantly appear in the expression of the great orator’s lofty thought.

scholarly journals THE PARODY OF THE COMMONS

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-51
Author(s):  
Vasilis Kostakis ◽  
Stelios Stavroulakis
Keyword(s):  
Peer Relations ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Peer To Peer ◽  
Dominant Mode ◽  
Peer Production ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Commons

This essay builds on the idea that Commons-based peer production is a social advancement within capitalism but with various post-capitalistic aspects, in need of protection, enforcement, stimulation and connection with progressive social movements. We use theory and examples to claim that peer-to-peer economic relations can be undermined in the long run, distorted by the extraeconomic means of a political context designed to maintain profit-driven relations of production into power. This subversion can arguably become a state policy, and the subsequent outcome is the full absorption of the Commons as well as of the underpinning peer-to-peer relations into the dominant mode of production. To tackle this threat, we argue in favour of a certain working agenda for Commons based communities. Such an agenda should aim the enforcement of the circulation of the Commons. Therefore, any useful social transformation will be meaningful if the people themselves decide and apply policies for their own benefit, optimally with the support of a sovereign partner state. If peer production is to become dominant, it has to control capital accumulation with the aim to marginalise and eventually transcend capitalism.

scholarly journals Rethinking the Category of Class: Tempora Multa of the Plural Subject

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 171-192
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Temporal Structure ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Key Aspects

This article attempts to rethink the Marxist category of class in response to criticism of the progressivist conception of history. The Marxism of the twentieth and twentyfirst centuries has typically run into a problem arising from the fact that accepting the proletariat as the subject of history makes any political action aimed at social transformation superfluous. From a political viewpoint, the concept of the subject of history either implies that the working class will spontaneously carry out its historical task without any intervention, or requires the dictate of the party to act as a revolutionary vanguard for the working class. Many theorists (Walter Benjamin, Louis Althusser, Daniel Bensaïd, Massimiliano Tomba, et al.) have pointed out that emancipatory politics should abandon the idea that history is linear and that it has a particular subject. Does this then mean that the concept of class itself should be discarded? Althusser’s concept of the social whole as a weave of multiple temporalities allows us to take a new look at the problem of class in Marxist theory and political practice by understanding class as neither essence nor structure, but rather as a conflictual social relation and a political concept. Based on the works of Edward Thompson, Ellen Meiksins Wood, Étienne Balibar, Daniel Bensaïd, Cinzia Aruzza, etc., the author demonstrates that the multi-temporal structure of capital means that class contradiction cannot be confined to the matters of production because class struggle unfolds at all levels of surplus value creation — production, exchange, reproduction and circulation of capital taken as a whole. Moreover, other social movements — feminist, anti-racist, migrant, etc. — lead to a redefinition of key aspects of class subjectivity related to the concepts of productive labor and exploitation. With left-wing politics now in crisis, class struggle also entails a struggle for recognition that the problem of class is a political one.

scholarly journals New working class as a political subject

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. V. Gavrilyuk ◽  
V. V. Malenkov
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Service Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Social

The authors consider the new working class as consisting of both industrial workers and employed in the service sector. The article aims at identifying changes in the social-political status of the new working class and at describing the civil-political component of its political subjectivity. The authors attempt to theoretically reconstruct the idea of the working class as a political subject. The first part of the article presents conceptual approaches to the analysis of the working class as a political subject. The authors identify three periods: 1) classical works that laid the foundation for the study of the working class as a political subject and its special historical role; 2) studies of the marginal political status of the working class in Western countries, when leading theorists described the transformation of workers into an object of manipulation in the era of mass communications and the widespread consumerism ideology; 3) works of contemporary authors (including the new working class studies) opposing the policy of the traditional industrial working class and the new working class exclusion from the social-political space, which is pursued by the ruling class of the neoliberal international. The empirical part of the article describes the political subjectivity of the working class in Russia and its position in the political space at the institutional and individual levels. Despite the underrepresentation of workers in politics, since 2010, we have witnessed a return of the working class to the public space. The representative survey conducted in three regions of the Ural Federal District and narrative interviews prove a weak interest of the new working class youth in politics, their tendency of non-participation in it, and a high level of national patriotic identity.

Rousseau on the People as Legislative Gatekeepers, Not Framers

2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
ETHAN PUTTERMAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
The People ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Subject

Who drafts the laws in Rousseau's ideal state? According to John T. Scott it is the people alone who execute this function and Rousseau “does not positively argue that commissaires, magistrates, or anyone else has the power to propose laws.” Challenging this view, I argue that the philosopher's varied statements on the subject of lawgiving can be shown to establish merely a right by the people to participate in agenda-setting by others. Rousseau believes that the laws must reflect the will of the people but not necessarily through their physical writing, drafting, or framing of constitutional legislation. More important than popular agenda-setting is the majority's freedom to check those who do draft the laws. Amending my earlier argument that the sovereign is barred from legislating, I reveal how Rousseau's notion of self-legislation as “gatekeeping,” rather than agenda-setting, is central to the political theory and institutions of Du contrat social.

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