Black Huntington

Author(s):  
Cicero M., III Fain

This book studies the multi-generational transition of rural and semi-rural southern black migrants to life in the embryonic urban-industrial town of Huntington, West Virginia, between 1871 and 1929. Strategically located adjacent to the Ohio River in the Tri-state region of southwestern West Virginia, southeastern Ohio, and eastern Kentucky, and founded as a transshipment station by financier Collis P. Huntington for the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad in 1871, Huntington grew from a non-descript village to the state’s most populated city by 1930. Huntington’s black population grew in concert: by 1930, the city’s black population comprised the second largest in the state, behind Charleston, the state capital. The urbanization process posed different challenges, burdens, and opportunities to the black migrant than those migrating to the rural-industrial southern West Virginia coal mines. Direct and intensive supervision marked the urban industrial workplace, unlike the autonomy black coal miners’ experienced in the mines. Forced to navigate the socioeconomic and political constraints and dynamics of Jim Crow Era dictates, what state officials euphemistically termed, “benevolent segregation,” Huntington’s black migrants made remarkable strides. In the quest to transition from slave to worker to professional, Huntington’s black migrants forged lives, raised families, build black institutions, purchased property, and become black professionals. This study centers the criticality of their efforts to Huntington’s growth as a commercial, manufacturing, industrial, and cultural center.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Lynn M. Hudson

The introduction uses Ruby McKnight Williams’s story after her arrival in California in the 1930s to present the themes and arguments of the book. Williams’s shock at the extent of segregation in her new home aligned with the experience of other black migrants and the introduction places her history in the context of black migration to the state in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An overview of Jim Crow’s genesis during the era of statehood and the Gold Rush is followed by a discussion of African American resistance and the ways black bodies refused to follow the dictates of segregation. Organized resistance to black codes and antiblack practices put black Californians at the center of the state’s—and sometimes the nation’s—contestations over Jim Crow. An overview of the chapters is included.


2020 ◽  
Vol 120 (2) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Mael G. Glon ◽  
Laura S. Hughes ◽  
Heather E. Glon ◽  
Kelly M. Capuzzi ◽  
Zachary J. Loughman ◽  
...  

This paper documents the first record of the blue crawfish, Cambarus monongalensis Ortmann, 1905, in the state of Ohio, United States. The blue crawfish is a small- to medium-sized primary burrowing crayfish common in western Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Because of the prevalence of this species on the east side of the Ohio River, numerous researchers have sought the blue crawfish in Ohio—to no avail. On 16 May 2020, turkey hunters in Monroe County, Ohio, located a blue-colored crayfish and sent photos to one of the authors of this study. On 19 May 2020, the authors sampled in the vicinity of where the photo was taken and located 4 sites that yielded a total of 5 blue crawfish specimens, confirming the existence of this species in Ohio. Further research is needed on the blue crawfish to determine its range and abundance in Ohio, and to explore factors relating to its biogeography.


Author(s):  
Jane Marcellus

As the state that provided the final vote ratifying the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, Tennessee is critical. The two newspapers in Nashville, the state capital, differed vehemently on suffrage. Using discourse theory to interrogate suffrage coverage in the decade preceding 1920, this chapter focuses on the intersection of gender and race at the height of the Jim Crow era. Although the prosuffrage Tennessean strongly favored ratification while the antisuffrage Banner opposed it, this chapter argues that a more complicated story emerges when race and masculinity are considered. Despite its prosuffrage stance, the Tennessean included subtle warning signs against Black women’s power when race was integral to a story. The Banner consistently reinforced traditional gender roles, responding to ratification with an eruption of verbal violence aimed at recouping hegemonic white masculinity.


Author(s):  
Cheryl Teelucksingh

On August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia, alt-right/White supremacy groups and Black Lives Matter (BLM) supporters came face-to-face regarding what to do about public monuments that celebrate key figures from slavery and the Jim Crow era. White supremacists and White nationalists did not hide their racist ideologies as they demanded that their privileged place in history not be erased. The BLM movement, which challenges state-sanctioned anti-Black racism, was ready to confront themes of White discontent and reverse racism, critiques of political correctness, and the assumption that racialized people should know their place and be content to be the subordinate other.It is easy to frame the events in Charlottesville as indicative of US-specific race problems. However, a sense that White spaces should prevail and an ongoing history of anti-Black racism are not unique to the United States. The rise of Canadian activism under the BLM banner also signals a movement to change Canadian forms of institutional racism in policing, education, and the labor market. This article responds to perceptions that the BLM movement has given insufficient attention to environmental concerns (Pellow 2016; Halpern 2017). Drawing on critical race theory as a conceptual tool, this article focuses on the Canadian context as part of the author’s argument in favor of greater collaboration between BLM and the environmental justice (EJ) movement in Canada. This article also engages with the common stereotype that Blacks in Canada have it better than Blacks in the United States.


Author(s):  
Andrew Valls

American society continues to be characterized by deep racial inequality that is a legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. What does justice demand in response? In this book, Andrew Valls argues that justice demands quite a lot—the United States has yet to fully reckon with its racial past, or to confront its ongoing legacies. Valls argues that liberal values and principles have far-reaching implications in the context of the deep injustices along racial lines in American society. In successive chapters, the book takes on such controversial issues as reparations, memorialization, the fate of black institutions and communities, affirmative action, residential segregation, the relation between racial inequality and the criminal justice system, and the intersection of race and public schools. In all of these contexts, Valls argues that liberal values of liberty and equality require profound changes in public policy and institutional arrangements in order to advance the cause of racial equality. Racial inequality will not go away on its own, Valls argues, and past and present injustices create an obligation to address it. But we must rethink some of the fundamental assumptions that shape mainstream approaches to the problem, particularly those that rely on integration as the primary route to racial equality.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document