The Persistent Adivasi Demand for Land Rights and the Forest Rights Act 2006 in Kerala, India

This paper asks whether the Forest Rights Act (FRA) passed by the Government of India in 2006 could provide effective access and ownership rights to land and forests for the adivasi communities of Kerala, thereby leading to an enhancement of their entitlements. The study was conducted in Wayanad district using qualitative methods of data collection. The FRA, it would seem, raised high expectations in the State Government circles and the Adivasi community. This was at a time when the Government of Kerala was grappling with a stalemate in the implementation of its own laws on adivasi land rights, due to the organized resistance from the settler-farmers and the non-adivasi workers employed in the plantations that were established to provide employment for adivasis. Our analysis shows that due to the inherent problems within the FRA as well as its complex and contested implementation, the FRA could not achieve the promised objectives of correcting historical injustice and provide effective land rights to the adivasis of Wayanad. The role played by the conservation lobby in thwarting the efforts of the Left government is discussed. While granting nominal possession rights (Record of Rights) to the dwelling sites of a small community of adivasis (Kattunaicker, who were traditional forest dwellers), the FRA has failed to provide them with substantive access and ownership rights to land and forests. The adivasis who were able to gain some rights to land have been those who were involved in land occupation struggles. The study reiterates the importance of struggles in gaining effective rights in land.

Teaching and Learning for this Moment: How a Trauma Informed Lens Can Guide Our Praxis

In this time of COVID-19, continued and relentless violence against BIPOC, organized resistance by many young people, and violent institutionalized attempts to suppress resistance, demonstrations and social change movements, what should educators be thinking about as we return to our college classrooms? In this short piece, we share our thinking and experience about our students’ psycho-social needs and our belief that faculty must be focused both on students’ and faculty’s socio-political context and students’ and faculty’s emotional wellbeing as we think about teaching and learning for this moment.

Migración del uso residencial de la vivienda al alquiler turístico en Sevilla. Impactos en el derecho a vivir en la ciudad.

The analysis of the impacts on residential housing in the city of Seville by tourist rental has been the main objective that has guided the carrying out of this work. To achieve this the behavior of the rental of housing for tourist purposes, the evolution of the rental cost and the prices of the houses were characterized. The effects of tourist rental experienced by Sevillian residents were also examined. Organized resistance against the impact of intensive tourism in Seville is recent. The Collective Assembly against the Touristization of Seville (CACTUS) began to take its first steps a few years ago. Its members consider that the migration from residential to tourist-type rental not only expels the resident population, but that with the emptying of the neighborhoods, the solidarity networks that have been typical of Sevillian neighborhoods also disappear.

Search and development by Soviet forces of Ukrainian nationalists on the territory of the Romanian People’s Republic (1955–1957)

The article is an attempt to disclose an unknown aspect, namely, the work of the Soviet special services on revealing, investigating, and detention of former participants of the OUN and UPA in the territory of Romanian national republic. In the article, it is established that despite the struggle against the liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s, the Soviet authorities failed to eradicate and suppress anti-Soviet sentiments completely. The confrontation between Ukrainian nationalists and the Soviet administration continued not only in the USSR, but also abroad and even after the official report on the liquidation of organized nationalist structures. At the same time, in connection with the liberalization of the socio-political regime (de-Stalinization, “vidlyha” (“thaw”), rehabilitation of prisoners) intensified the activities of hostile to power –mostly former members of the OUN and URA (both those who remained underground and released from imprisonment), as well as representatives of religious associations. That is why the tasks of the law enforcement agencies included not only the suppression of opposition resistance in the USSR, but also the search for and elimination of all former underground fighters, especially leaders who were in other countries, including Romania. The repressive and punitive bodies carried out work on the search for nationalists in the Romanian People’s Republic in several directions: 1) development of family, former organizational ties of OUN leaders who crossed the border at different times and joined various OUN foreign organizations and centers; 2) intensification of the search for OUN leaders abroad, detection and interception of probably existing channels of their connections with the remnants of the OUN in Bukovyna and its use for operational purposes; 3) intensification of the search for underground fighters and the development of well-known OUN members who were on the operational register; 4) organization of intelligence and operational work among those who were legalized and appeared guilty, former underground fighters, members of the OUN, as well as the development of those who did not surrender their weapons and legalized on the instructions of the underground, as well as returnees from prison and did not renounce their previous views; 5) intensification of the development of Ukrainian nationalists who were on the operational register or in the legal units of the OUN; 6) recruiting new and increasing the efficiency of the existing agency (which worked with special tasks to intercept existing communication channels developed by the security forces of the OUN and foreign OUN centers). As potentially dangerous the Soviet system considered even those nationalists who had emigrated abroad, therefore, after the liquidation of the Ukrainian organized resistance movement, they were perpetually search for. Hence, after the revealing of such persons, who most often were former heads and members of the nationalist underground of Chernivtsi region, a detailed plan of their investigation was made. A leading role in this process was played by the secret service agents who carried out the most difficult operative combinations of the Soviet law enforcement bodies. The well arranged – since the 1940s cooperation between the USSR law enforcement bodies and the Romanian national republic assisted in the effective search, investigation, and arrests of the Ukrainian nationalists.

Get Up, Stand Up? Theorizing Mobilization in Creative Work

This article concerns individualism, collective awareness and organized resistance in the creative industries. It applies the lens of John Kelly’s mobilization theory (1998), usually used in a trade union context, to “TV WRAP,” a successful non-unionized campaign facilitated through an online community in the UK television (TV) industry in 2005, and finds that Kelly’s prerequisites to mobilization were all present. It explores previously unpublished questionnaire data from a 2011 survey of over 1,000 UK film and TV workers, which suggests that such prerequisites to mobilization are still present in the TV workforce. Finally it examines recent and ongoing mobilization by video game workers as a modern comparison, updating the relevance of Kelly’s theory to explore and consider potential models for a new politics of resistance in the digital age.

Introduction

A key aspect of the colonial state was a geo-political dualism of space in which settlers occupied the rich agricultural plain and urban centres while Algerian peasants inhabited the communes mixtes, the forests and mountains of the interior. After the First World War the caids, the traditional élites that governed the peasants through indirect rule and patron-client relations, entered a crisis of legitimacy and were challenged by communist and nationalist movements. Marxists and historians have tended to perceive the peasants as lacking in political consciousness, incapable of organized resistance, but a new social history, by restoring agency to the lowest strata of the colonized, demonstrates that they assumed a key role in the long-term move towards insurrection. Contrary to the conventional interpretation of rural revolution as a movement initiated by a vanguard party of urban militants, the nationalists adapted to, and built upon, the traditional social and political structures of the peasant community, including the village assemblies. The colonial state largely failed in its attempts to cut the root cause of rebellion through economic modernization of the peasant economy. After 1956 the French launched Opération Pilote, a massive counterinsurgent experiment that deployed anthropology and psychological warfare, but signally failed to contain an insurrection that was embedded within the family, kin, and associational structures of rural society.

Conclusion

The book dismantles the conventional interpretation of the Algerian peasantry as incapable of organized resistance. The rural masses exercised dynamic forms of political autonomy, especially through the village assemblies. After 1918 the long established system of colonial indirect rule entered a phase of deepening crisis so that control of the peasantry by the intelligence state slipped away, providing an opportunity for the nationalists to take advantage of the subsequent power vacuum and, eventually, to create a form of ‘rebel governance’. After 1956 the attempts by counterinsurgents to replicate peasant organizations failed. The pattern located in the Chelif holds a key to our understanding of other regions of dispersed settlement in Algeria, and also for future comparative study of other insurrections, from Vietnam to Kenya. The enduring cohesion of the extended family that stood at the core of peasant organization and political autonomy survived through the disruption of the War of Independence and holds a key to the conservative forces at work in post-colonial Algeria.

Introduction

The introduction uses Ruby McKnight Williams’s story after her arrival in California in the 1930s to present the themes and arguments of the book. Williams’s shock at the extent of segregation in her new home aligned with the experience of other black migrants and the introduction places her history in the context of black migration to the state in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An overview of Jim Crow’s genesis during the era of statehood and the Gold Rush is followed by a discussion of African American resistance and the ways black bodies refused to follow the dictates of segregation. Organized resistance to black codes and antiblack practices put black Californians at the center of the state’s—and sometimes the nation’s—contestations over Jim Crow. An overview of the chapters is included.