We, the Antifascist People

2020 ◽  
pp. 113-132
Author(s):  
Montse Feu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Don Quixote ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Literary Representations ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Interpersonal Engagement

España Libre’s authors employed several rhetorical strategies of self-representation. Alfonso Camín encouraged combative antifascism by appealing to the literary symbol of Don Quixote. With a maternalist approach, Miguel Giménez Igualada assigned women the role of caregivers to antifascist homes in exile. Away from these archetypical and traditional literary representations, Felix Martí Ibáñez inspired readers with his vision of a society finally free of fascism through individual introspection and interpersonal engagement. Moving toward a postmodern approach, writers argued that revolution was exercised by inclusion of subjectivities rather than through violent contest of political power. Other authors documented and poeticized the immigrant life in the United States and provided España Libre’s readers with a developing Spanish American exile identity in the United States.

scholarly journals Discovering "os ianques do sul": towards an entangled Luso-Hispanic history of Latin America

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ori Preuss
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
Latin Americanism

The article reconstructs the largely forgotten role of key Brazilian intellectuals in the Latins-versus-Anglo-Saxons debates that developed around 1898, emphasizing the embeddedness of their thinking in the transnational crossings of men and ideas within South America. It thus challenges the common depiction of late-nineteenth-century Latin Americanism as a purely Spanish American phenomenon and of the United States as its major catalyst, allowing a more nuanced understanding of this movement' s nature.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 311-320
Author(s):  
Elena A. Schneider
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Second Life ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
African Descent ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
The Way

The conclusion explores the way the invasion and occupation of Havana has been remembered in Cuba, Spain, Britain, and the United States during the 250 years since these events transpired. In general, the role of people of African descent, the institution of racial slavery, and imperial rivalry over the slave trade has been whitewashed or left out of the story. In Spain and Cuba, nationalistic readings of the event have stressed the loyalty of people in Cuba to either Spanish empire or a burgeoning sense of Cuban patria. In Britain the event has virtually been forgotten, a history that went nowhere, other than to prove the strength of British arms. Instead, the obsession with capturing and controlling Cuba gained a second life in the United States. It influenced U.S. intervention in the Spanish-American-Cuban war in the nineteenth century and continues to haunt U.S.-Cuban relations to this day.

Class Conflict and Diplomacy: Haitian Isolation in the 19th-Century World System

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur L. Stinchcombe
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Symbolic System ◽  
Emancipation Proclamation ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article argues that Haiti's diplomatic isolation after its revolution and independence was due to two different processes, its place in the symbolic system of domestic politics in the United States, and its place in the lives and experience of people intensely concerned with Haiti in France, Britain, and Spain. The result was that the diplomatic isolation was ended first in the 1830s by Europe, by the countries materially damaged by the Hatian Revolution. It was ended later by the United States and its Spanish-American client states, who were only symbolically damaged by Haiti as an antislavery black power symbol after the Emancipation Proclamation in the 1860s. A theory of the politics of diplomacy with two parts, the role of a foreign country as a symbol in the domestic politics of other countries, and the role of people with extensive contact and interest in particular parts of another country in the diplomatic milieux of other countries, is developed to explain this case.

War, Accommodation, and Violence in the United States, 1890–1970

1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 921-945 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Rasler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Impact Assessment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Combined Effects ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives

War, postwar demobilization, and economic depression are national crises that ultimately test the state's capacity to respond simultaneously to internal and external challenges. This analysis probes the nexus between crises and domestic violence, investigating how this relationship is mediated by the influence of two variables: the severity of crisis and the presence or absence of government accommodation. Box-Tiao impact assessment models are used to estimate the separate and combined effects of American involvements in wars (the Spanish-American War, World Wars I and II, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars), their postwar periods, and the 1930s depression on economic, social, and political forms of American violence from 1890 to 1970. After establishing historical evidence for the role of national accommodation, I demonstrate that strong, positive associations between severe crises and domestic violence are to be found during the tenure of nonaccommodating administrations. Accommodating governments are associated with either negative or historically weak linkages between severe crises and domestic violence. Overall, the evidence underscores the benefit of using broad theoretical perspectives for understanding the linkages between international and domestic conflict.

The Role of Gender and Sensation Seeking in Film Choice

2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smita C. Banerjee ◽  
Kathryn Greene ◽  
Marina Krcmar ◽  
Zhanna Bagdasarov ◽  
Dovile Ruginyte
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Undergraduate Students ◽  
Sensation Seeking ◽  
Negative Mood ◽  
Positive Mood ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Arousal ◽  
Subject Design ◽  
Happy Mood

This study demonstrates the significance of individual difference factors, particularly gender and sensation seeking, in predicting media choice (examined through hypothetical descriptions of films that participants anticipated they would view). This study used a 2 (Positive mood/negative mood) × 2 (High arousal/low arousal) within-subject design with 544 undergraduate students recruited from a large northeastern university in the United States. Results showed that happy films and high arousal films were preferred over sad films and low-arousal films, respectively. In terms of gender differences, female viewers reported a greater preference than male viewers for happy-mood films. Also, male viewers reported a greater preference for high-arousal films compared to female viewers, and female viewers reported a greater preference for low-arousal films compared to male viewers. Finally, high sensation seekers reported a preference for high-arousal films. Implications for research design and importance of exploring media characteristics are discussed.

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