“The Second Battle for Africa Has Begun”

2019 ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Erik S. McDuffie

This chapter examines the underappreciated impact of Garveyism in shaping Liberian politics and life during the 1970s. This work was spearheaded by Rev. Clarence W. Harding Jr., a dynamic Chicago-born African American leader, who relocated to Monrovia in 1966 and headed the local division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) until his passing in 1978. Through the local division, and through the Marcus Garvey Memorial Institute, a UNIA-affiliated elementary and secondary school, Harding successfully disseminated the principles of Garveyism widely among working-class and indigenous Liberians living in Monrovia and collaborated with the emergent Movement for Justice in Africa. In tracing Harding’s work in Liberia, the chapter also highlights connections between Liberia and the U.S. Midwest—or what the author has fashioned as the “diasporic Midwest.”

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 396-402
Author(s):  
Augustus C. Wood

This paper contextualizes the socioeconomic condition of the African-American working class in the American Labor Movement. As the union movement continues its steady decline, African-American social conditions are deteriorating at an alarming pace. Racial oppression disrupted historically powerful labor movements as African-Americans served in predominantly subproletariat labor positions. As a result, Black workers endured the racially oppressive U.S. structure on the periphery of the U.S. Labor Movement. I argue that Black working-class social conditions are dialectically related to their subjugated position in the modern-day union movement. Therefore, for Black social conditions and working-class conditions to improve overall, the union movement must centralize the conditions of the Black workers.


Author(s):  
Julilly Kohler-Hausmann

In 1970s America, politicians began “getting tough” on drugs, crime, and welfare. These campaigns helped expand the nation's penal system, discredit welfare programs, and cast blame for the era's social upheaval on racialized deviants that the state was not accountable to serve or represent. This book sheds light on how this unprecedented growth of the penal system and the evisceration of the nation's welfare programs developed hand in hand. The book shows that these historical events were animated by struggles over how to interpret and respond to the inequality and disorder that crested during this period. When social movements and the slowing economy destabilized the U.S. welfare state, politicians reacted by repudiating the commitment to individual rehabilitation that had governed penal and social programs for decades. In its place, they championed strategies of punishment, surveillance, and containment. The architects of these tough strategies insisted they were necessary, given the failure of liberal social programs and the supposed pathological culture within poor African American and Latino communities. This book rejects this explanation and describes how the spectacle of enacting punitive policies convinced many Americans that social investment was counterproductive and the “underclass” could be managed only through coercion and force. Spanning diverse institutions and weaving together the perspectives of opponents, supporters, and targets of punitive policies, the book offers new interpretations of dramatic transformations in the modern American state.


Author(s):  
Peggy J. Miller ◽  
Grace E. Cho

Chapter 4, “Nuanced and Dissenting Voices,” examines the nuances diverse parents brought to their understandings of childrearing and self-esteem. Framed within Bakhtinian theory, this chapter gives voice to African American parents, working-class parents, conservative Christian parents, and mothers, particularly women who had experienced low self-esteem. These parents endorsed self-esteem, but refracted the language of the self-esteem imaginary in ways that made sense, given their diverse values and ideological commitments, social positioning, and idiosyncratic experiences. This chapter also describes the perspectives of two groups from the larger study who challenged key elements of the dominant discourse: grandmothers of Centerville children who raised their children in an earlier era, and Taiwanese parents who grew up in a different cultural context but were temporarily residing and raising their children in Centerville. These two groups of dissenters underscore again the book’s theme that self-esteem is rooted in time and place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 681-681
Author(s):  
Rita Choula

Abstract Caregiving in the U.S. 2020 oversampled African Americans, Hispanics, Asians, and people over the age of 75. Six in ten caregivers report being non-Hispanic white, 17% are Hispanic, 14% non-Hispanic African-American or black, 5% Asian/Pacific Islander, and 3% some other race or ethnicity, including multiracial. The session will emphasize the unique context of diverse caregivers, including African American, Hispanic, Asian, and LGBT+ caregivers. The session will begin by discussing the portrait of the typical caregiver of each of these groups. It will follow with a discussion of the challenges facing diverse caregivers in the aggregate and the opportunities to recognize and support them across settings.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley

Barack Obama's election was an extraordinary event in American and world history, but already in his second year as president, the luster and the popularity of the Obama administration has faded, even among many who mobilized to elect him. In addition to righting two wars, Obama is attempting to fix a broken health care system in the context of a nationally contentious electorate and Congress. He also is coping with a mounting debt burden from seeking to recover from an economic collapse and public anger at an environmental disaster of mega proportions, requiring him to rein in the banks and corporations that were unleashed from public regulation during the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton years. In addition, he is commander-in-chief of the U.S. military and its rapidly expanding U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM).This was an administration elected on “hope for change.” Indeed, Obama's election raised expectations across the U.S. and throughout Africa that a man of African heritage, indeed a global person, could be and had been elected. This quintessentially optimistic, intelligent, and gifted American is the product of a Kenyan father and an internationally engaged mother, a multicultural childhood, and a global education as graduate of a private secondary school and elite American universities, and he has been pinned simultaneously with American, biracial, African American, African, and even global identities (see Zeleza 2009).


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